Pemimpin Ikhwan Dan 75 Lain,Dihukum Mati KeranaBantahan ‘Rabaa’
Mahkamah Mesir telah menjatuhkan hukuman mati keatas 75 orang, termasuk
pemimpin kanan Ikhwanul Muslimin kerana protes di Kaherah pada tahun 2013 yang
berakhir dengan pembunuhan beratus-ratus penunjuk perasaan.
Mursyidul Am Mohd Badie dan pemimpin Ikhwanul Kanan Essam el-Erian serta
Mohamed Beltagi adalah antara yang dijatuhkan dihukum mati itu.
Manakala wartawan media terkemuka Mahmoud Abu Zeid, juga dikenali sebagai
Shawkan, ditangkap pada Ogos 2013 telah dihukum penjara lima tahun.
Peguam untuk Shawkan berkata sebaliknya, belai akan dbebaskan dalam beberapa
hari, kerana telah pun menjalani hukuman itu sejak ditahan pemerintah Mesir.
Sebagai hukuman tambahan kepada Badie dan 46 orang lain juga telah diberikan
hukuman berat penjara seumur hayat, sementara 612 defendan lain menerima
hukuman penjara antara lima hingga 15 tahun selepas percubaan besar di Kaherah.
Antaranya ialah wartawan Al Jazeera Abdullah Elshamy yang dijatuhi hukuman 15
tahun dalam keadaan tidak hadir ke mahkamah, yang telah dipenjarakan tanpa
sebarang perbicaraan selama 11 bulan sehingga dia dibebaskan pada bulan Jun 2014.
Dalam satu kenyataan pada hari Sabtu, Al Jazeera mengutuk hukuman itu sebagai,
kesinambungan usaha pihak berkuasa Mesir untuk ‘mendiamkan’ Al Jazeera dan
wartawannya serta untuk menghalang dan menakut-nakutkan Rangkaian berita antarabangsa itu daripada melaporkan perkembangan di Mesir.
Mereka yang dihukum pada hari Sabtu dituduh melakukan kesalahan yang berkaitan
dengan keselamatan, termasuk hasutan terhadap keganasan dan menganjurkan
protes tanpa izin.
 Amnesty International tutut mengutuk hukuman massa itu sebagai satu penghinaan.
“Hakikat bahawa tidak seorang pun pegawai polis telah diambil kira untuk
pembunuhan sekurang-kurangnya 900 orang dalam protes Rabaa dan Nahda
menunjukkan betapa penghinaan keadilan terhadap perbicaraan ini,” kata Nadia
Bounaim, pengarah Afrika Utara Amnesty, dalam satu kenyataan mdia.
Pada 14 Ogos 2013, polis telah menuraikan bantahan besar-besaran di dataran Rabaa
al-Adawiya di Kaherah.
Pasukan keselamatan membunuh lebih daripada 800 orang dalam beberapa jam,
dalam tragedi yang disifatkan Human Rights Watch (HRW) sebagai “mungkin
sejumlah jenayah terhadap kemanusiaan”.
Sumber BO - 9-9-2018
Five Years Since ‘RabaaMassacre’
Five years ago, Egypt witnessed one of the deadliest days for demonstrations in its
modern history when security forces killed hundreds of supporters of ousted president
Mohamed Morsi.
The dramatic dipersal of the sit-in at Cairo’s Rabaa al-Adawiya Square on August
14, 2013, saw soldiers and police shoot dead more than 800 protesters in a matter
of hours.
The bloody crackdown came weeks after Morsi was ousted by the military following
mass demonstrations against his one-year rule.
Egypt’s security forces maintain some of the demonstrators were armed and there
were “terrorists” among their numbers.
Despite a wealth of evidence implicating the Egyptian army and police in killing the
protesters, no one has ever been brought to trial and the Egyptian government has
yet to transparently investigate the massacre.
The government-appointed National Council of Human Rights produced a report on
the events, but its findings are at odds with witness accounts and human rights
activists.
Since 2013, hundreds of protesters, including leaders of Morsi’s outlawed Muslim
Brotherhood, have been convicted at mass trials. An Egyptian court in July
sentenced 75 people to death for participating in the protest.
Rallies marking the Rabaa killings have met fierce resistance by Egyptian authorities.
Since his removal, Morsi has been tried in several different cases.
In April 2015, he was sentenced to 20 years on charges of ordering the arrest and
torture of protesters in clashes outside the presidential palace in 2012.
 What happened?
After massive protests calling for Morsi to step down, the military announced the
ouster of Egypt’s first democratically elected president on July 3, 2013.
The protests – staged in Tahrir Square one year after Morsi was sworn into office –
called for early presidential elections, with demonstrators accusing the president of
failing to fulfill his electoral promises.
The now-outlawed Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt’s most popular political group at the
time, called for counter-protests at Rabaa al-Adawiya and al-Nahda squares.
The protests developed into the large-scale sit-in against the military coup.
According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), about 85,000 protesters joined the sit-in,
which extended for over 45 days and grew larger and more organised with time.
Protesters slept, ate, prayed, and lived at the square. Many hoped the sit-in would
succeed in pressuring the military to restore Morsi to the presidency.
As time passed, supporters of the military across the city grew frustrated with the
defiant sit-ins and calls to disperse them came from both largely pro-military private
and state-owned media outlets.
The military-backed government officially ordered the dispersal of Rabaa and
al-Nahda on August 14, with armoured vehicles, bulldozers and hundreds of security
forces moving in the early hours.
Calls for justice
After a year-long investigation, New York-based HRW documented the events that
led to the mass killings, interviewing witnesses and reviewing video footage.
Based on the findings of its 2014 report, HRW concluded the killings “likely
amounted to crimes against humanity” and “were part of a policy”.
In a statement on Monday, the rights group called for an international inquiry into
the deadly crackdown.
“Five years on from the Rabaa massacre, the only response from authorities has
been to try to insulate those responsible for these crimes from justice,” said Sarah
Leah Whitson, HRW’s director for Middle East and North Africa.
“Without justice, Rabaa remains an open wound. Those responsible for the mass
killings of protesters shouldn’t count on being able to shield themselves from
accountability forever.” – AJE
 The Muslim Brotherhood, Ninety Years ofGiving 90th anniversary under the title “Ninety Years of Giving” at the Amir Effendi Cultural Center in Istanbul. The ceremony was attended by dozens of Muslim Brotherhood leaders throughout the world, including Ibrahim Mounir, deputy chairman of the Muslim Brotherhood, Khalid Meshaal former head of Hamas political bureau, and a number of Muslim Brotherhood leaders from Jordan and Somalia. Ibrahim Mounir said that “the group did not defer humanitarian and global issues, including the issue of Jerusalem and the Al-Aqsa Mosque, which the group has placed at the top of its priorities.” He added that “Ninety years have passed since the inception of our movement; and it’s still alive despite the various episodes of assassination and persecution” He pointed out the Muslim Brotherhood is committed to issues of freedom in Egypt, Palestine, Arakan, and Syria and fighting injustices side by side with all honorable in the world.” Mounir stressed that “the group was able to establish a new concept of change; and a new model in education, economics and politics, and provided many of the integrated visions stemmed from Islamic thought.” For his part, Khaled Meshaal said that “great Turkey opens its great heart to the Muslim Brotherhood and non-Muslims alike, and through this embrace God will protect Turkey.”  He pointed out that “the sincerity blessing has sustained and spread the movement of the Muslim Brotherhood, and that inclusiveness is closer to the nature of life, which is what Imam Al Banna adopted in politics, economics, beliefs, and spirituality.” He added that “moderation and tolerence are closer to normal self, and extremism does not last, although it is stunningly loud in the atmosphere. Some parties attribute extremism to the Muslim Brotherhood, but it is innocent.” He followed that “Renewal is life’s necessity as well as courage in assessment, self-criticism, and acknowledgement of mistake. Muslim Brotherhood should criticize itself, because it raises its stature and increases the public trust” He called for “adopting more coexistence with others, even if that other hurts us. We need to master the national equation dynamics, without forgetting our concerns as an Ummah, and we need to manage the situation and the regional and international reality wisely.” In his speech on behalf of the Muslim Brotherhood youth, Suhaib Abd Al Maqsoud said that “the resolve comes from young people who have not given up or despaired despite the state of the Ummah, but they hope for victory from God.” He stressed that “we must remind ourselves to always line up with the truth, because the tyrants all over the world mobilize against this movement as it threatens the thrones of the oppressors.” For his part, Dr. Hammam Said, the former chief of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, said that “pains have cycles, and that the cycle of Islam’s reemergence begins with the new generations.” “The Muslim Brotherhood’s Call came for the removal of falsehood, colonialism and ignorance,” Said added. “The group worked to build an organized Islamic thought and present Islam in comprehensive perspective.” Sumber BO - 16-4-2018 Presiden Morsi Hadapi ‘Kematian’ Perlahan-lahan Akibat Penyiksaan permohonan untuk hak rawatan perubatan terus ditolak rejim Mesir. Presiden Majlis Revolusi Mesir, Dr Maha Azzam, Presiden Majlis Revolusi Mesir, memberitahu bahawa, penafian perubatan kepada Dr Morsi merupakan satu bentuk penyeksaan. Beliau menggesa masyarakat antarabangsa untuk campur tangan dengan segera bagi memastikan keselamatan dan kesejahteraan Morsi. Dr Azzam menjelaskan, rejim semasa mesti bertanggungjawab terhadap penyeksaan sistematik yang sedang berjalan dalam sistem penjara Mesir ”Dia telah dihukum atas pelbagai tuduhan, termasuk merosakkan keselamatan negara dengan membocorkan rahsia negara kepada negara asing dan pembunuhan penunjuk perasaan semasa demonstrasi awam pada tahun 2012. ”Dia telah muncul dalam tiga perbicaraan sejak penangkapan awalnya, dan hukuman mati, yang telah diputuskan keatasnya dalam kes keempat, telah tarik balik pada bulan November 2016. Dalam laporan tersebut, Panel yang diketuai oleh bekas pengerusi Jawatankuasa Pilihan Luar Negeri Crispin Blunt, memberitahu akhbar The Times , “tanggungjawab kepada [kerosakan pada kesihatannya] adalah diletakkan kepada perintah.” Sehubungan itu, penyelidik Hak Asasi Manusia di Penyelarasan Hak dan Kebebasan Mesir, Ahmed El Attar, memberitahu bahawa walaupun berulang kali pihak Dr Morsi meminta penjagaan perubatan yang diperlukan, namuni telah dinafikan haknya. El Attar melihat penafian rawatan perubatan itu sebagai satu bentuk hukuman yang digunakan oleh rejim terhadap tahanan politik dan menekankan bahawa Dr Morsi bukanlah satu-satunya banduan yang diperlakukan demikian. Dalam penampilan terakhirnya di mahkamah pada Disember 2017, peguamcara Dr Morsi memberitahu hakim bahawa dia “takut untuk hidupnya” jika dia terus mengalami penganiayaan seperti itu. Beliau adalah ahli Ikhwanul Muslimin, sebuah kumpulan yang kini diharamkan di bawah rejim al-Sisi selepas lonjakan sokongan popular berikutan pemberontakan tahun 2011. Al-Sisi kelihatan mungkin akan dipilih semula sebagai Mesir pergi ke pemilihan hari ini, berikutan tindakan keras terhadap tokoh-tokoh pembangkang yang mengumumkan niat mereka untuk menentangnya. ”ini amat penting memandangkan pilihan raya hari ini tidak memenuhi piawaian antarabangsa untuk pilihan raya yang bebas dan adil,” tegas Azzam. Human Rights Watch menyimpulkan dengan merujuk kepada Koordinasi Hak dan Kebebasan Mesir (ECRF), menyatakan 30 orang telah mati akibat penyeksaan ketika ditahan di balai polis dan dan lain-lain pusat tahanan Kementerian Dalam Negeri yang lain antara 2013 dan 2015. Pada tahun 2016, peguam ECRF menerima 830 aduan penyeksaan, dan 14 orang lagi telah mati akibat penyeksaan dalam tahanan. Meurutnya, Dr Morsi, yang menderita ‘diabetes’ dan ‘hipertensi’ serta penyakit hati, ditahan dalam keadaan buruk di penjara Tora di Kaherah. “Laporan baru-baru ini oleh panel Ahli Parlimen British dan peguam mengumumkan bahawa jika Dr Morsi tidak diberikan perhatian perubatan, kerosakan kesihatannya mungkin kekal atau terminal.” menurut beliau. Mohamed Morsi adalah presiden pertama Mesir yang dipilih secara demokratik, berkuasa pada tahun 2012 dengan 51 peratus undi daripada saingannya Ahmed Shafiq. Penangkapan Dr Morsi setelah beliau digulingkan oleh rampasan kuasa tentera pada Julai 2013. diketuai oleh Ketua Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, ketua tentera Mesir, yang sejak itu berkhidmat sebagai Presiden Mesir. Dr Azzam menekankan bahawa, sebagai presiden pertama Mesir yang dipilih secara demokratik, kerajaan demokratik di seluruh dunia mempunyai tanggungjawab untuk memastikan keselamatan dan kesejahteraan Dr Morsi. Dr Morsi adalah salah satu daripada hanya 60,000 banduan politik di penjara Mesir, dengan 15,000 lagi penduduk awam yang dianggap tertakluk kepada perbicaraan ketenteraan sejak 2014. Sumber BO - 29-3-2018 Criminal Practices Against MuslimBrotherhood’s Chairman in Coup Prison Brotherhood’s Chairman, Dr. Mohamed Badie, and all detainees, especially the sick and the elderly, who are subject to systematic killing, following information by the Dr. Badie’s daughter, which confirms that we are under the rule of a gang that has exhausted its balance of humanity. Dr. Mohamed Badie is a 75-year-old elder, a world-class scholar, chosen among the top 100 scholars in the Arab world, and the top leader of the World’s largest Islamic movement. It is unbelievable that such public figure is being arrested, detained, deprived of the most basic elements of life. To torture him, his solitary cell is stripped of basic necessities. For a whole year, he is forced to sleep on the cell’s floor, and lately they mercilessly took away the blanket and the chair that he needs badly since he is suffering damaged cartilage and a fracture in the foot and cannot sit on the ground. They have practiced the same savage practices with the former chairman, Mr. Mohamed Mahdi Akef, who passed away in the tyrants’ prisons. The Muslim Brotherhood, as it reports to the public opinion the savagery perpetrated against the Chairman, and also against Dr. Essam Al Haddad, his son Gihad Al Haddad and all the prisoners in the tyrants’ notorious prisons, we submit an urgent complaint to all human rights organizations and all people of free conscience World-wide to move immediately so as to stop this systematic killing of innocent honorable people. The coup perpetrators probably think that these crimes they commit will undermine these men’s resolve or weaken their determination; however, all this will never change their pricipled positions and their souls will never surrender not even for a moment. Dr. Talaat Fahmy Spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood Sunday, Jumada II 16, 1439 AH, March 4, 2018 Sumber BO - 17-3-2018 Morsi Bukan Banduan Biasa Mesir ‘bukan banduan biasa’ dan “jika ada sesuatu yang berlaku kepadanya dalam tahanan, mungkin ada akibat yang lebih luas daripada sekadar nasib seorang tahanan,” kata bekas ketua Jawatankuasa Hal Ehwal Luar Negara dan Ahli Parlimen Konservatif, Crispin Blunt. Blunt memberitahu Agensi Anadolu bahawa percubaan British minggu lalu untuk melawat presiden pertama Mesir yang dipilih secara demokratik, Mohamed Morsi tidak mendapat jawapan dari Kedutaan Mesir di London. Blunt berkata peguam yang diarahkan oleh keluarga Presiden Morsi ingin menubuhkan panel peninjau penahanan yang bereputasi, yang boleh memeriksa keadaan di mana Morsi sedang dipenjarakan.” Delegasi bersama telah dibentuk oleh bekas Setiausaha Kehakiman Lord Edward Faulks, ahli Jawatankuasa Kesihatan Paul William dan Blunt. “Terdapat kebimbangan ‘prima facie’ tentang bagaimana dia ditahan dalam keadaan yang dia dan kesihatannya, “Dia bukan banduan biasa, ditahan atas tuduhan tahanan biasa dan [peraturan] sistem penjara Mesir dan standar internasional yang layak. ”Beliau adalah bekas ketua negara, dia dipilih oleh rakyat Mesir dan itu bermakna jika ada sesuatu yang berlaku kepadanya dalam tahanan, mungkin terdapat akibat yang lebih luas daripada hanya nasib seorang tahanan. ” kata Blunt. Beliau berkata, sekiranya pihak berkuasa Mesir menolak kunjungan mereka, beliau akan meninjau semua bukti yang tersedia untuk kumpulan itu di luar menghasilkan laporan berdasarkan apa yang diketahui. Blunt Juga menggariskan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dan menegaskan keadaan sukar di Mesir. “keadaan hak asasi manusia di Mesir pastinya sangat sukar dan hukuman polisi penjatahan kelihatan telah kembali dan ini merupakan salah satu masalah di kalangan penduduk Mesir yang menderita lama, ”yang menyebabkan kejatuhan Presiden [Hosni] Mubarak dan perkhidmatan keamanan di Mesir Saya fikir perlu dipertimbangkan, “katanya. “Terdapat peluang untuk Presiden [Abdel Fatah al-] Sisi untuk menangani perkara ini dan setakat ini sebalinya tidak diambil,” tambahnya. Mohammed Morsi diasingkan dalam keadaan terkurung walaupun dia telah menyatakan kebimbangan mengenai kesihatannya. Beliau tidak dapat menghadiri kebanyakan perbicaraan tidak lama selepas dia digulingkan dalam rampasan kuasa berdarah pada tahun 2013. “Keadaan kesihatan saya menjadi serius dan merosot dari hari ke hari,” kata Morsi sebelum ini. Morsi juga berkata beliau tidak akan berhenti memohon rawatan perubatan, dengan menyatakan bahawa dia telah mengalami koma diabetik dua kali kerana dia tidak dapat makan makanan daripada pihak penjara. Menjawab permintaan mantan presiden itu, hakim menegaskan bahawa permintaan pemeriksaan perubatan harus ditandatangani oleh doktor penjara, keputusan yang belum diambil setakat ini. Pihak berkuasa Mesir mengatakan Morsi menerima rawatan perubatan yang diperlukan di penjara. Sumber BO - 15-3-2018 More Than 2,500 Girls And Women ArrestedIn Four Years During the period of August 14, 2013 until end of December 2017, the coup militias arrested more than 2,500 girls and women in Egypt, 49 of them remained behind the walls, according to the Egyptian Coordination for Rights and Freedoms’ report on Human Rights Situation in 2017 and other reports prepared by independent legal researchers. According to human rights activist Fatima Abdulla, who’s concerned with detainee girls and women, 154 of them were forcibly disappeared then reappeared, 13 cases were exposed to medical negligence, three of them were in critical condition, 5 of them were sentenced to death in absentia or in their presence, according to Arabi21 news website. Fatima Abdulla added, according to the same reports, 133 females were killed during demonstrations, in addition to 176 death cases, either as a result of medical negligence in prisons or in road accidents in their way to visit detainee relatives in prisons. In addition to 356 cases of abuse during arbitrary detention when they visit their detainee relatives in prisons. The human rights activist said that the number of females referred to military trials in their presence and in absentia was 23 cases, in addition to the expulsion of 526 female students from their universities, and 304 cases were sentenced in their presence or in absentia with a total of 1274 years and 3 months.  The total bail amount and fines that were paid on behalf of female detainees is nearly three million Egyptian pounds ($175,000). The number of females listed on the terrorism lists reached 93, and their assets were confiscated. Additionally, 106 females were placed on travel ban lists. Fatima Abdulla added that there are many security pressures surrounding her work on the rights of women detainees. At the beginning of the military coup, the National Council for Women and the National Council for Childhood and Motherhood were notified, but they ignored the complaints and refused even to show solidarity with women detainees. The same was repeated by other women’s NGOs such as the New Woman’s Association, the Egyptian Center for Women. Hundreds of complaints were filed, at the Attorney-General’s office, regarding forcible disappearances and abuses against female detainees, but they did not stir a finger. On the case of Zubaydah, which was recently revealed by the BBC’s report, the human rights activist, Fatima Abdulla, said that they had documented Zubaydah’s case from the beginning. However, there is something ambiguous about the matter; according to her mother’s testimony, she was harassed when she was detained the first time, other witnesses confirmed that she was raped in the second detention, and that they contacted the doctor who tried to abort her pregnancy at her own clinic, but it did not work since she was in the third months of her pregnancy. Her appearance with journalist Amr Adib raises suspicions that she was in detention with her husband.  For his part, the Executive Director of the Egyptian Coordination for Rights and Freedoms, the human rights activist Ezzat Ghoneim, said that dealing with the women detainees file is thorny, because of the nature of the cases they deal with, pointing out that the arrest of females reached its peak during 2014 and 2015; then it turned intermittent. Ghoneim added that the abuses they monitored were mostly violations committed in prisons and places of detention. He said that his organization managed to document some cases and failed in others. Even in documented cases, their parents are demanding that nothing be disclosed about them for fear of social problems. As for other harassment, the human rights activist points out that it varied between detention among criminal female prisoners, banning visits, intimidations, preventing them from continuing education, and the absence of proper health care. The worst abuse is forcible disappearance. Ghoneim added that Egypt now has several investigative bodies, namely the General Prosecution Office, the Supreme State Security Prosecution, and the Military Prosecution. Thus, the diversity of the investigative bodies represents a difficulty in complete documentation, but this does not mean that these figures are not documented. They are documented based on reports by women detainee families, prosecution investigation minutes, and the arrest orders – ikhwanwweb Sumber BO - 7-3-2018 Human Rights Violations In Egypt The Egyptian Coordination Committee for Rights and Freedoms documented during the week of February 17-23 more than 40 human rights violations in Egypt, ranging from 37 cases of arbitrary detention or forcible disappearances, two cases of medical negligence, beside other violations inside prisons. 19 enforced disappearances cases are from the Governorate of Sharqia, 9 in Giza, and 6 in Damietta, the rest are from other cities across Egypt . The Committee confirmed that the military coup authorities continue the crimes of deliberate medical negligence of detainees in detention centers, in clear violation of international and domestic laws. Article 18 of the Egyptian Constitution provides that “everyone has the right to access integrated health care in accordance with quality standards without excluding prisoners from it.” However, the security apparatus ignores that and does not comply. The ‘Freedom of Thought and Expression Foundation’ has reaffirmed its rejection of any form of authority censorship imposed on freedom of expression, press freedom聽 and the internet freedom of access that aims to control the public sphere. The Foundation said in its latest report, titled: “Closing the Windows .. Internet Censorship in Egypt,” that the high number of blocked websites in Egypt shows the government’s determination to control the news circulating on the Internet.  The Foundation pointed out that controlling the opposition sites began in May 2017 by issuing number of laws that seek to close the public domain and control the various platforms of freedom expression: newspapers, satellite channels, and various digital platforms. Blocking at least 497 websites has had a negative impact on the overall digital journalism industry in Egypt, and the future of its investments under the current economic crises, and created an unsuitable working environment for journalists and media professionals, that affect most of press and media institutions. In addition to the economic losses and the press crises, the Foundation stated that by this prohibition, the government violates the articles of the Egyptian Constitution, as well as article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The Foundation for Freedom of Thought and Expression called on the government and telecommunications companies in Egypt to lift the ban on all websites, and disclose the authority that issued this decision, and its legal basis. Noteworthy, in May and June of 2017, the military coup government in Egypt blocked more than 60 opposition websites, including news websites, freelance blogs, television websites, and online digital newspapers. On September 5, 2017, the number of blocked websites had risen to 424, after blocking the website of the ‘Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms’ and the website of ‘Reporters Without Borders’. Sumber BO - 1-3-2018 Rejim Mesir Didesak, Hentikan PenggunaanBom ‘Kluster’segera, selepas senjata telah dipaparkan dalam video rasmi oleh tentera negara itu, pada operasi mereka di Sinai Utara yang baru-baru ini. Kumpulan hak asasi manusia itu berkata, pakar-pakar telah menganalisis video itu dan menyimpulkan bahawa rakaman menunjukkan anggota tentera udara Mesir pada 9 Februari telah memuatkan pesawat pejuang dengan bom kluster yang dilarang di peringkat antarabangsa. Bom pembunuh berangkai dan meletup secara berturutan itu dikenali sebagai Senjata Gabungan CBU-87 buatan AS, masing-masing mengandungi 202 bomba BLU-97 / B. “Bom ‘kluster’ adalah sengaja senjata yang tidak dapat dibayangkan, menyebabkan penderitaan yang tidak dapat dibayangkan selama bertahun-tahun selepas penggunaannya,  wakil daerah Amnesty International untuk Timur Tengah dan Afrika Utara, dalam satu kenyataan pada hari Rabu. “Gambaran bom itu dalam video menunjukkan bahawa angkatan udara Mesir sama ada sudah menggunakan atau bermaksud menggunakannya, menunjukkan pengabaian yang jelas kepada kehidupan manusia.” Tambah kenyataan itu yang turut mengkritik AS kerana membekalkan Mesir dengan bom ‘kluster’. “Negara pembekal mesti segera menggantung ekspot senjata yang membawa risiko tinggi itu dari digunakan bagi pelanggaran hak asasi manusia yang serius. “hentikan ekspot (bom itu kerana) risikonya dan pihak berkuasa Mesir bertanggung jawab atas pelanggaran (itu), “Mesir tidak boleh menggunakan munisi kluster dalam keadaan apa pun, ia harus memusnahkan stoknya dan menyetujui Konvensyen mengenai Munitions Cluster.” kata Bounaim.  serangan yang menyalahi undang-undang. Menurut laporan saksi mata, pada tahun 2015 pesawat tempur F16 melakukan serangan udara di kawasan kediaman padat penduduk di Sinai. “Puluhan penduduk, termasuk kanak-kanak, terbunuh dan cedera dalam serangan ini.” Menurut kenyataan itu lagi. Pada tahun 2015, pasukan udara Mesir juga melakukan serangan udara di Libya yang bertujuan untuk memusnahkan rumah dan membunuh orang awam termasuk kanak-kanak. Pada tahun yang sama, tentera Mesir melakukan serangan udara yang membunuh 12 orang, termasuk lapan pelancong Mexico di safari di padang pasir Barat, kata kenyataan itu. Sumber BO - 16-2-2018 Egyptians Will Not Hand Over Sinai To TheZionist It is indisputable that confronting any terror that targets Egypt is a well-established national affair; also, preserving its territorial integrity and independence is a national duty and a religious obligation. However, the current war on Sinai has nothing to do with that. Egyptian people got used to blatant lies of the military coup, especially with regard to its repeated campaigns on Sinai under the disguise of fighting terror, which usually results only in creating terror itself, killing and displacing civilians, and the destruction of entire townships as happened in the town of Rafah. Today, the military coup is launching a new military campaign accompanied by the declaring of the state of maximum alert in Egypt, coinciding with the news of Zionist military maneuvers around the Gaza borders, amid growing news about the imminent implementation of the Trump “Deal of the Century,” which provides for turning Sinai into an ‘alternative’ homeland for the Palestinian people after being forcibly displaced from Palestine. The military campaign was launched under the Emergency Law provisions, accompanied by a massive media campaign claiming that Egypt was in grave danger to justify further crimes of detention, forcible disappearances, indiscriminate killings, the expansion of death sentences, and arresting or terrorizing any dissenting voice. We are witnessing a futile process of deception and cover-up of the military coup failure to provide the basics of life for citizens, and an attempt to persuade them to support El Sisi in the coming presidential election farce. The Muslim Brotherhood demands the Egyptian army to distance itself from this great betrayal, and not to link itself and future to this treacherous coup. The Muslim Brotherhood reiterates what it has repeatedly reaffirmed before, that what is happening against Sinai and its people by empowering the Zionists, is a great crime and a high treason that history will never forget or forgive. The Muslim Brotherhood calls on Egyptian people to pay ultimate attention to evils schemed against their country. Yesterday it was Tiran and Sanafir and today it is Sinai! Dr. Talaat Fahmy, Spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood Saturday, 24 Jamada I, 1439 AH February 10, 2018 Sumber BO - 15-2-2018 No Reconciliation With Egypt’s Coup Regime negotiations, contacts or deals between the group and the fascist military coup regime in Egypt, which is completely false. The coup regime attempts, by such false claims, to mislead or distract the Egyptian people from the catastrophes of its actions. Muslim Brotherhood assures that its members as well as its affiliates at home and abroad, including ' those steadfast men and women detained in prisons, are all united and that any attempt to turn them against each other is doomed to fail. Our hearts are wide open and our hands are extended to all honorable sectors and free forces of the Egyptian people without exception. We call on them all to line up under the nation’s banner, to fulfill the promises of the January Revolution, to realize the will of the people, to restore our people’s usurped rights and lost freedoms, and to preserve our homeland’s wealths, waters, and land integrity. As loyal citizens of this homeland, and as a sincere component of the Egyptian people, we, along with all patriotic Egyptians, do not object to any outcome that absolves Egypt of its stalemate and saves it from the disastrous situation caused by the military coup. However, Dr. Mohamed Morsi, the legitimate freely elected president as attested the whole world, is the reference person for any contacts or negotiation not the group or its leaders. The group also affirms that its adherence to the legitimacy of President Mohamed Morsi is based on its bias towards the democratic principles that the free world has adopted and the Egyptian people have firmly opted, and our commitment to the rights of this great people. We will never betray our principles, values, and just demands that inform and guide our movement among peoples and nations. In this sense, we affirm our adherence to exacting just punishment of culprits involved in bloodshed, torture, forcible disappearance, detentions, and displacements. That is an unalienable right of martyrs, the injured, the tortured, detainees, abductees, forcibly hidden, and displaced families. The Muslim Brotherhood does not seek to stop the march of history, and we rather would work to ensure that peoples follow their due paths to achieve justice and freedom, so as to recover and maintain their full due rights.  Dozens of Political Prisoners Died The leading member of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Dr. Essam El Erian, revealed that dozens of political prisoners died during last month in Egyptian prisons, as a result of medical negligence, withholding treatment, and lack of medical care in general. During his court session in the case known as “breaking the Rabaa sit-in” he stated he had been infected with hepatitis C in prison and that the prison administration refused to transfer him to the Liver Institute for treatment. El Erian demanded previously in court to meet with international lawyers to file lawsuits before international courts to investigate human rights violations in Egyptian prisons. In the same context, Human Rights Watch (HRW) issued a report last September stating thar police officers in Egypt routinely torture political prisoners, adding that since the military coup of July 2013, Egyptian authorities had arrested or charged 60,000 individuals. Thousands were tried in military courts, hundreds were sentenced to death, and scores of activists were forcibly disappeared for months by security apparatus. According to human rights reports issued in recent months, the most prominent complaint of political prisoner families is that Egyptian prisons keep “prohibiting medicines and food as well as family and lawyer visits, cancelling weekly and holiday visits, and shortening the visit duration.” Noteworthy, on August 14, 2013, the Egyptian army and security forces broke up two sit-ins for supporters of ousted President Mohamed Morsi in the Rabaa and Nahda squares in Greater Cairo. The two operations killed more than 632 people, including eight policemen, according to Egyptian government own statistics by the National Council for Human Rights (official Egyptian government entity), however, local and international rights groups say the death toll has exceeded a thousand. Sumber BO - 10-2-2018 “Morsi dalam jjare (penjara) nung!” Lama sudah saya tidak menulis. Kali ini saya ingin menulis sedikit coretan buat seorang rakan baik. Sahabat yang telah pun pergi meninggalkan saya buat selamanya. Arwah tidak pergi sehari dua, tetapi meninggalkan saya, malah kami sahabat-sahabat di DUN Seberang Takir buat selamanya. Pemergian beliau sangat dirasai oleh kami di sini. Apa tidaknya, arwah seorang yang sangat baik hati, malah tidak pernah menyakiti sesiapa. Seingat saya tidak ada yang saya pernah terasa hati dengannya. Arwah memang cukup baik, malah dengan semua orang. Ketika berprogram jemaah, saya dikejutkan dengan mesej bertalu-talu di whatsapp mengucapkan takziah. Tanpa saya sangka, arwah Khairul Nizam atau kami kenali sebagai Kailo yang meninggal. Sungguh tak disangka arwah pergi terlalu awal, di usia yang masih muda. Baru saja melepasi tempoh kepemudaan. Kebetulan ketika itu saya berprogram di luar negeri Terengganu, yang tidak memungkinkan saya untuk menziarahi dan mensolatkan jenazahnya sebagai penghormatan terakhir buat seorang yang bergelar teman dan saudara. Perkenalan kami lewat melalui jemaah. Arwah seorang yang komited dan istiqamah dengan kerja-kerja jemaah. Di mana ada program jemaah, di situlah adanya arwah Kailo. Dari sekecil-kecil program di berbagai peringkat, sehinggalah ke sebesar-besar program. Ketika beliau sakit suatu masa dahulu, arwah terkena penyakit yang dipanggil sebagai kaki gajah (kaki arwah menjadi sangat besar), arwah terlantar di rumah. Ketika kepulangan saya dari Mesir, saya melawat arwah di rumahnya. Arwah menyatakan kekesalannya kerana tidak dapat turut serta bersama rakan-rakan lain yang berprogram dan bergerak kerja bersama jemaah. Saya nyatakan kepada arwah bahawa beliau mendapat pahala “pencen” sebagaimana orang yang ketika dia sihat dia selalu berjemaah di masjid, maka ketika dia sakit dia tetap mendapat pahala berjemaah, kerana dia tidak hadir ke masjid kerana keuzurannya. Arwah seorang yang rajin dan kreatif. Masih saya ingat suatu ketika dia pernah meminta saya supaya mengajarkannya editing gambar. Saya dengan berbesar hati mengajarnya Photoshop di PASTI Al-Mawaddah sekadar yang saya mampu. Arwah ketika itu bercita-cita mahu menjadi designer untuk PAS Seberang Takir. Akhirnya Allah makbulkan cita-citanya tetapi melalui jalan yang sedikit berbeza. Arwah ditugaskan sebagai wartawan BuletinOnline Dotnet, laman berita rasmi PAS negeri Terengganu. Arwah mempunyai bakat yang cukup istimewa, terkadang tulisannya sangat menyentuh hati dan perasaan orang yang membacanya. Walaupun arwah tidaklah belajar tinggi mana, tetapi kefahaman arwah terhadap keperluan berjemaah dan menyertai jemaah Islam cukup hebat. Terkadang saya jadi malu dengan arwah, walaupun saya mempunyai latar belakang pengajian agama, namun arwah jauh meninggalkan saya dalam bab kesungguhan berjuang dan bekerja untuk Islam. Namun begitu, arwah punya dua orang adik lelaki yang bergelar ustaz. Salah seorangnya adalah imam di salah sebuah masjid di Terengganu. Ustaz Pa yang selalu saya lihat di usrah zon yang diadakan di DUN kami. Seorang lagi Ustaz Hilmi yang kami panggil “abang”, selalu juga nampak beliau dalam beberapa program jemaah. Arwah meninggalkan seorang balu yang baru saja beliau kahwini tahun lepas. Arwah berkahwin agak lewat dan belum sempat dikurniakan cahaya mata. Begitu cepat arwah meninggalkan kami. Sedang kami masih menagih khidmat beliau di dalam parti. Kepergian beliau adalah suatu kehilangan yang besar buat kami dan jemaah. Apa yang paling mengingatkan saya kepada arwah ialah beliau selalu memanggil saya dengan gelaran Morsi. Terkadang bangga juga apabila arwah memanggil sebegitu, walaupun sebenarnya tidak layak untuk memakai nama sebesar dan sehebat itu. Bila arwah memanggil saya dengan Morsi, saya membalasnya dengan gurauan, “Morsi dalam jjare (penjara) nung!” Arwah membalasnya dengan mengatakan, “tu Morsi Mesir, deme Morsi Malaysia.” Huhuhu. Apa yang saya harapkan ketika ini hanyalah semoga doa kami didengari oleh Allah, supaya Allah mengampunkan dosa-dosanya dan memberikan ganjaran syahid buatnya. Semoga dikau tenang di sana, sahabat. Aku pula bakal menyusulmu nanti. Sahabatmu, Muhammad Nasih Ulwan bin Zakaria. Sumber BO - 27-1-2018 Seventh Anniversary Of The EgyptianRevolution On January 25, seven years ago, the Muslim Brotherhood participated, with all spectrums of the Egyptian people, in the greatest popular revolution in the modern era, which inspired the World with its nonviolence and strength, as well as the melting of all Egyptians in its pot, presenting a model of the finest civilized revolution, and insisting on the removal of the tyranny. Meanwhile, revolutionaries showed a great keenness regarding their country, its interests, its citizens unity, its people’s aspiration toward freedom and social justice, placing their people’s dream before and above all other interests, groups, parties and ideologies. This revolution was truly the revolution of the entire Egyptian people, without exception; all the slogans disappeared, and one slogan rose calling for freedom, demanding social justice. And the national flag of Egypt rose above everyone. The revolution scene dazzled the World, and many of its leaders said that they are learning from the Egyptian Revolution model and the actions of Egyptian youth. The success of this revolution was unparalleled: it managed to overthrow the head of the tyrannical, oppressive regime in only 18 days. Were it not for the betrayal of the military coup junta, their conspiracy against the dream of the Egyptian people, their overthrow of the fledgling democratic experiment, and the kidnapping of the first elected civilian president in Egypt’s history; the Revolution, the nation and the people would be today in a different situation. The junta of the military coup committed the most heinous crimes and massacres in Rabaa and Nahda squares. They burned the bodies of the martyrs and bulldozed them. They executed the wounded and burned the field hospital. Their massacres continued against the Egyptian people, the revolutionaries, as well as the military and police recruits. Churches and mosques were exposed to violence and bloodshed. Everyone, in the range of the military coup authority, is now a free target for the regime to achieve its ill ambitions and clinging to power. The killing of innocent people by the military regime takes several shapes. Some are assassinated in the streets or their homes; others face slow death in prisons and detention centers; others are killed by death sentences adjudicated by politicized military or civilian courts. Innocent souls have no value or immunity in the eyes of these criminal murderers. And justice, as a supreme value, has no regard in the jungle law exemplified by the treacherous coup. The military regime continued the series of betrayals by abandoning land and sovereignty. The military regime has abandoned the islands of Tiran and Sanafir to the Saudi Arabia, and has become an international conduit for the benefit of the Zionist entity. They also gave up natural gas fields in our territorial waters in the Mediterranean Sea to Greece and Cyprus. They squandered Egypt’s historical rights in the Nile waters when the regime head signed the framework agreement, with Sudan and Ethiopia, which explicitly has approved Ethiopia’s right to build the Renaissance dam, which threatens Egypt’s water security. One of their most treacherous betrayals is what they are committing today in Sinai so as to separate it from Egypt, in favor of the security of the Zionist entity, forcibly displacing the people of Rafah, demolishing their homes and water wells, bulldozing their olive trees, and establishing a buffer zone along the border with the Zionist entity. The military regime attempts to involve the Sinai tribes in the civil war, along with the systematic daily killing of the people of Sinai. The most bloody scene was the massacre of Al Rawdah mosque. The military coup regime adopted the so called “Deal of the Century” promoted by Trump, aims to undermine the Palestinian cause and resettle Palestinians in part of Sinai. The military apparatus took over the Egyptian economy and plunged it into debt. It was also mortgaged to international lending institutions. The Egyptian pound was devalued and its purchasing power deteriorated; thus, the Egyptian people were overwhelmed by successive waves of prices’ inflation. All economic initiatives that were claimed to be Egypt’s gate to progress and prosperity, such as the additional Suez Canal waterway, the one million housing units project, the cultivation of 2 million acres, and the new administrative capital failed to materialize any benefit for the Egyptian people and its living situation. On this occasion, the Muslim Brotherhood affirms the following: First: The need to achieve unity among revolutionary factions based on the common goals of ending the coup, and the participation of everyone without exception in establishing a modern democratic civilian state, and sharing the sacrifices required to save the homeland from the clutches of the military junta. Second: Adhering to the January 25 revolution objectives of dignity, freedom, and social justice, as well as restoring the people’s democratic entitlements and the legitimacy of popular will. Third: Adhering to the rights of the martyrs, detainees, and the wounded, and bringing all aggressors to justice and fair trials. Long live the January Revolution in the hearts of the Egyptian people.. Long live the unity of the Egyptians and their continued struggle until the overthrow of the treacherous military coup d’état. Muslim Brotherhood Wednesday, 9 Jumada I,1439 AH January 25, 2018 Sumber BO - 27-1-2018 Al-Sisi Tangkap Lawan Pilihan Raya Presiden pada pilihan raya presiden yang dijangka berlangsung pada 26 hingga 28 Mac tahun ini. Bekas Ketua Angkatan Tentera Mesir, Sami Anan, berusia 69 tahun itu yang mengumumkan pencalonan beliau pada hari Ahad dituduh memalsukan dokumen rasmi untuk menamatkan perkhidmatan dan tidak mendapat kelulusan. Anan telah mengumumkan hasratnya untuk bertanding, dua jam selepas Al-Sisi mengumumkan rancangannya untuk mendapat mandat penggal kedua. Justeru itu, menurut satu kenyataan Jawatankuasa Tertinggi Angkatan Bersenjata (SCAF), pencalonan Anan untuk pilihan raya tersebut akan digantung ‘sehingga diberitahu kelak’, kempen beliau berkata dalam satu kenyataan pada Selasa. Dalam ucapan yang disiarkan di laman Facebook beliau, Anan menggesa institusi awam dan tentera negara itu untuk menjadi neutral dalam pilihan raya presiden. Katanya, beliau telah melihat nasib rakyat Mesir semakin buruk dengan kawalan pentadbiran tentera yang angkuh. Ini, katanya, pemerintah tidak membenarkan sektor swasta memainkan peranannya dalam menjalankan hal ehwal negeri. Terdahulu, pihak berkuasa Mesir menyerbu premis kempen Anan dan menangkap beberapa petugas menyebabkan penggantungan kerja-kerja pilihan raya kerana bimbang tentang keselamatan pekerja mereka. Omar Ashour, seorang profesor di Institut Pengajian Arab dan Islam di Universiti Exeter, memberitahu Al Jazeera, beliau percaya tindakan rejim Sisi itu agar tiada persaingan dalam pilihan raya. Menurutnya, penangkapan Anan adalah kerana beliau ‘mengancam’ peluang Sisi untuk diplih semula. “Kini kami perlu menunggu dan melihat siapa yang akan datang (mencabar),” kata Ashour. “Mungkin seseorang yang tidak mempunyai banyak sokongan diaka umbi dan tidak mempunyai apa-apa sokongan dalam pertubuhan tentera.” tambahnya Sumber BO - 24-1-2018 Egyptian ‘Presidential’ Elections: The DictatorRuns Alone! Many say that so called “the re-election” of El Sisi, who is expected to announce his candidacy in the next few days, is conclusive and that the result will be as overwhelming as the 97 percent that he announced in the previous “election” nearly four years ago. However, his failure to fulfill his basic promises may open the door to different results. The unprecedented devaluation of the Egyptian pound and the reduction of subsidies for fuel, energy and basic consumer goods, have made the middle class groan under the disastrous economic reality, not to mention that one third of Egyptians, whose daily income is one euro, live below the poverty line. El Sisi’s performance in what he calls “fight against terror” also paints a bleak picture. In contrast to his pledge to restore security, the bloody attacks that have left thousands of people dead are repeated more frequently. The Coptic churches are attacked even in the center of Cairo, while the rebellion of the Sinai Bedouin tribes against the regime is taking a civil war direction. The regime’s resort to a military approach only to impose calm, even at the expense of civilian lives, warns of further deterioration of the situation in this strategic region. In practice, El Sisi has eliminated all hopes of his rivals to run for president via pressures, threats and legal prosecutions. The most recent episode, in this regard, is the announcement by Ahmed Shafiq, who won second place in the 2012 elections, that he withdrew from the coming presidential elections according to his statement. At the same time, sources that worked with Shafiq’s 2012 campaign, said that his withdrawal was the result of repeated threats to his team, by officials in el Sisi entourage and some security apparatus, to reopen closed investigations of his alleged corruption, prosecute members of his family, and distort his image through orchestrated media campaigns, which led to Shafiq’s withdrawal decision. What happened with Shafiq coincides with what happened in the 2014 elections with the former chief of staff of the Egyptian armed forces, Gen. Sami Annan, where he announced his withdrawal in a press conference two days after his office issued a statement, saying that Annan was subjected to an assassination attempt by an unknown car before appearing at a press conference accompanied by pro- El Sisi media figures, and announcing his withdrawal from the elections in order to ensure the unity of the armed forces, and the country’s supreme interest. However, what make El Sisi more likely to prevail in the internal strife over power are the alliances he has built with Western powers in recent years. Last October, during his visit to Paris, el Sisi closed a 6 billion euro arms deal, including supplying the Egyptian army with the latest model of French aircrafts, warships and an advanced electronic surveillance program. During the visit, French President Emmanuel Macaron stressed the importance of enhancing exchange and coordination with Cairo. He declared, in a press conference, that he rejects the demands of journalists and human rights advocates to pay attention to the human rights grave violations by the Egyptian regime. Last year alone, Germany’s military exports to Egypt reached a record high of half a billion Euros. The two countries also signed an agreement to combat clandestine immigration from Egypt in the same year. Perhaps the best expression of the friendly relationship between the German government and El Sisi is German Foreign Minister Ziegmar Gabriel’s words to his Egyptian counterpart during his visit to Cairo in 2016 that they have an “impressive president.” A view opposed by the international human rights organizations that accuse El Sisi regime of arresting 60,000 people for political reasons since the overthrow of freely elected President Mohamed Morsi in July 2013, which resulted in, at least, one thousand civilian deaths according to Human Rights Watch. Human Rights organizations also counted 1,700 missing persons whose fate is unknown as a result of El Sisi regime’s crackdown on dissidents, especially members of the Muslim Brotherhood, while the number of those executed in the past two years alone has risen to 100. – http://www.ikhwanweb.com Sumber BO - 14-1-2018 Mesir Lanjutkan Undang-undang Darurat Ahli parlimen Mesir pada hari Selasa, 9 Jan, telah memutuskan untuk melanjutkan perintah darurat selama tiga bulan lagi yang diisytiharkan berikutan pengeboman gereja pada April lalu. TV negara itu melaporkan, ia adalah lanjutan perintah itu setelah dikuatkuasa kali kedua pada bulan Oktober tahun 2017. Perintah darurat terbaharu itu akan dikuatkuasakan pada hari Sabtu, menurut warta rasmi Mesir. Undang-undang tersebut memberi lebih kuasa kepada polis untuk menangkap, mengawai dan menyita mana-mana premis dan menghadkan kebebasan bergerak rakyat negara tersebut. Di bawah perlembagaan Mesir, tempoh darurat hanya boleh diperbaharui selama tiga bulan sekali, namun kuasa presiden boleh mengembalikannya semula pada bila-bila masa Parlimen meluluskan kali pertama April tahun lepas, selepas dua serangan berani mati di beberapa gereja yang diakui perbuatan ganas itu oleh ISIS yang telah membunuh sekurang-kurangnya 45 orang di bandar-bandar Tanta dan Iskandariah. Pengganas ISIS, yang berpangkalan di Utara Sinai, mendakwa serangan itu adalah untuk mengancam kehidupan minoriti Kristian Koptik Mesir. Sebelum itu, Mesir yang telah diperintah selama beberapa dekad di bawah undag-undang darurat, telah dibatalkan ketika Ikhwan menguasai Mesir, sebulan sebelum Presiden Mohamed Morsi mengambil alih kuasa pada tahun 2012. Pada 2013 berikutan penggulingan tentera ketas Presiden Mesir yang pertama dipilih rakyat itu, ‘si perampas kuasa’ Abdel Fattah al-Sisi telah menisytiharkan kembali darurat selama sebulan. Sumber BO - 9-1-2018 Muslim Brotherhood Chairman: Jerusalem isCentral Issue for All Muslim to release Muslim Brotherhood prisoners to confront Israeli occupation, affirming that Palestine is a central cause for the whole Muslim Ummah, and one of the most important issues the Muslim Brotherhood had focused on since its inception. He described how the Muslim Brotherhood volunteer fighters had reached the outskirts of Jerusalem in the 1948 war, and that the group had exerted great efforts and blood in order to liberate the occupied lands. Dr. Badie rejected judge’s allegations with respect to the Muslim Brotherhood’s involvement in terrorism in Sinai or elsewhere. Dr. Badie made these statements during court session held on Saturday in Cairo, headed by pro-junta Judge Hassan Farid, a case known in the media by “the massacre of dispersing the Rabaa sit-in” which the judge adjourned to December 23rd. On Saturday’s session, the court completed hearing testimonies of several witnesses, where Dr. Badie addressed the Palestinian cause and Jerusalem, the eternal capital of Palestine, despite the Judaization attempts, including the recent claims by the US president and his bias towards the Zionist entity. – ikhwanweb.com Sumber BO - 18-12-2017 Egyptians Will Overthrow Tyranny PeacefullyAs They Did on January 25th
Dr. Talaat Fahmi, Muslim Brotherhood spokesman, denied any relationship between the Muslim
Brotherhood and the armed movements in Egypt, such as the Hasm and Liwaa Al Thawrah (Revolutionary Brigade), stressing that the Muslim Brotherhood is deliberately pursuing a peaceful struggle to overthrow authoritarian regimes as the Egyptian people did during the January 25th Revolution in 2011, when they toppled Mubarak’s regime through a peaceful revolution that inspired the world. Fahmi stressed that the Muslim Brotherhood is committed to the call of its chairman Dr. Mohamed Badie, “our peacefulness is stronger than bullets”, confirming that the ruling military junta is keen on creating violent conflicts and initiate new fronts with more innocent victims falling. Fahmi voiced human rights organizations concerns with the growing number of abuses against activists and political prisoners who are abducted by security forces and assassinated on a daily basis during allegedly armed confrontations despite their long documented enforced disappearance before their killing. Just last week, Egyptian security forces had killed three of the forcibly disappeared based on allegations of their affiliation with Hasm and Liwaa al Thawrah and what appears to be staged scenes of armed confrontations, despite the fact that several human rights organizations had documented their enforced disappearance nearly 10-30 days prior. Dr. Talaat Fahmi, Muslim Brotherhood spokesman, denied any relationship between the Muslim Brotherhood and the armed movements in Egypt, such as the Hasm and Liwaa Al Thawrah (Revolutionary Brigade), stressing that the Muslim Brotherhood is deliberately pursuing a peaceful struggle to overthrow authoritarian regimes as the Egyptian people did during the January 25th Revolution in 2011, when they toppled Mubarak’s regime through a peaceful revolution that inspired the world. Fahmi stressed that the Muslim Brotherhood is committed to the call of its chairman Dr. Mohamed Badie, “our peacefulness is stronger than bullets”, confirming that the ruling military junta is keen on creating violent conflicts and initiate new fronts with more innocent victims falling. Fahmi voiced human rights organizations concerns with the growing number of abuses against activists and political prisoners who are abducted by security forces and assassinated on a daily basis during allegedly armed confrontations despite their long documented enforced disappearance before their killing. Just last week, Egyptian security forces had killed three of the forcibly disappeared based on allegations of their affiliation with Hasm and Liwaa al Thawrah and what appears to be staged scenes of armed confrontations, despite the fact that several human rights organizations had documented their enforced disappearance nearly 10-30 days prior. Sumber BO - 30-11-2017 Mesir Diperintah Oleh Rejim Tentera YangMenindas tidak sealiran dengan negara itu. Bekas calon pemilihan presiden dan pemimpin parti Ghad al-Thawra Ayman Nour berkata, Presiden Abdel Fattah El-Sisi telah mempengerusikan sebuah kerajaan yang gagal dan sedang merosakkan rakyat Mesir. Nour pernah bertanding menentang bekas Presiden Mesir, Hosni Mubarak pada tahun 2005, dijatuhi hukuman penjara lama selepas itu, dan merupakan penentang lantang ‘presiden kuku besi’ itu sehingga digulingkan pada Revolusi Mesir 2011. Berikutan kejatuhan Mubarak, Mesir diambil alih tentera sebelum bekas Presiden Mohamed Morsi menang pilihan raya bebas yang pertama. Namun kemudiannya, Morsi digulingkan dan dipenjarakan selepas rampasan kuasa tentera yang diketuai oleh Sisi. “Kami menghadapi rejim yang menindas dan zalim yang menggunakan alat abad yang lalu untuk berurusan dengan realiti politik hari ini, “Ini telah membawa kepada pembunuhan sebarang risiko pluralisme politik, dan peluang mana-mana alternatif kepada rejim tentera menindas ini yang telah merampas revolusi Mesir … dan menukar Mesir ke jurang kezaliman,” kata Nour, merujuk kepada junta selepas rampasan kuasa. Beliau berkata, peraturan Sisi sebagai salah satu ciri-ciri pembohongan licik yang tidak ada ketelusan, bertindak memesongkan masyarakat domestik dan antarabangsa. Berikutan rampasan kuasa 2013, Nour keluar dari Mesir, bergerak ke Lubnan dan kemudian ke Turki, dan tidak pulang ke rumah sejak itu. Pada bulan April 2017, mahkamah Mesir menjatuhkan hukuman tanpa hadir keatas beliau, lima tahun penjara kerana dituduh menyebarkan berita palsu, dan pihak berkuasa telah mengugut untuk melucutkan kewarganegaraannya. Menurutnya Sisi telah memungkiri janjinya, berbohong untuk membenarkan kebebasan politik di negara Mesir dan telah memenjarakan puluhan ribu pembangkang. Beribu-ribu orang lain, seperti Nour, mendapati perlindungan di luar negara, terutamanya di Eropah, Amerika Syarikat, dan di Turki. Nour berkata tidak ada pembangkang aman di Mesir yang telah menjadikan ia mustahil di bawah iklim politik semasa. “Tiada pembangkang tanpa parlimen. Tiada pembangkang tanpa kebebasan akhbar. Tiada pembangkang tanpa kebebasan bersuara dan kebebasan berhimpun,” katanya, sambil menambah: “Pembangkang Mesir kini beku kerana ini keadaan tidak normal. Walaupun tindakan keras kerajaan Mesir pada perbezaan pendapat dan aktivisme dari pelbagai ideologi politik, sasaran utama Sisi ialah Ikhwanul Muslimin. Menurut Nour lagi, walaupun pembongkaran rangkaian sokongan dan ahli-ahlinya dipenjara kumpulan Ikhwan itu akan bertahan terhadap tindakan keras semasa. “Terdapat gerakan-gerakan utama dalam masyarakat Mesir, sama ada pergerakan liberal berusia satu abad atau gerakan Islam di negara ini yang Ikhwan Muslimin terletak di tengah-tengah …. gerakan-gerakan ini tak boleh balik. “Ikhwan Muslimin telah membuat banyak kesilapan dan dosa-dosa, tetapi pada akhirnya, ia mempunyai banyak positif sebagai sebuah organisasi yang penting dan berpengaruh … ia akan dapat mengambil bahagian dengan cara yang lebih besar di bawah payung negara yang lebih luas. ” Jelasnya. Sumber BO - 28-11-2017
  1. Mengejutkan sekali tidak sampai tiga hari Arab Saudi mengisytiharkan Kesatuan Ulama Islam Sedunia yang turut dipimpin Presiden PAS Tuan Guru Haji Abdul Hadi Awang sebagai pertubuhan pengganas, serangan bom berskala besar telah meledak di bumi Mesir. 2. Pada hakikatnya, serangan berdarah di Mesir ini hanyalah satu daripada lapan peristiwa geopolitik semasa yang boleh mengundang fitnah dan bencana besar ke atas gerakan Islam yang berpengaruh di dunia, iaitu Ikhwan Muslimin. Ikhwan Muslimin sememangnya sejak sekian lama terkenal sebagai gerakan Islam yang dimusuhi Arab Saudi kerana perjuangan politik Islam tanpa kompromi terhadap order ‘Petrodollar’ yang didominasi Amerika Syarikat. 3. Selain peristiwa tindakan Arab Saudi melabel Kesatuan Ulama Islam Sedunia sebagai pengganas dan peristiwa pengeboman di Mesir, enam peristiwa lain yang boleh menggugat Ikhwan Muslimin ialah pengukuhan kuasa Putera Mahkota Mohammad Bin Salman di Arab Saudi, ura-ura kerjasama Arab Saudi-Israel, broker perdamaian Hamas-Fatah di Palestin yang dilakukan oleh sekutu Arab Saudi iaitu UAE, penerusan pemulauan Qatar oleh Arab Saudi dan sekutunya, serangan peluru berpandu Houthi yang disokong Iran ke Riyadh, serta masalah dalaman di Turki yang menanti masa menggugat Erdogan. 4. Mesir ialah antara destinasi di mana pengaruh Ikhwan Muslimin kuat bertapak, selain daripada di beberapa negara lain seperti Qatar, Turki, dan Palestin. Maka tidak menghairankan sebenarnya apabila serangan sewaktu Solat Jumaat yang mengorbankan lebih 200 nyawa di Mesir Jumaat baru-baru ini segera dituduh sebagai didalangi ‘pengganas’ – suatu istilah yang kini secara langsung ditujukan kepada Kesatuan Ulama Islam Sedunia. Kesatuan Ulama Islam Sedunia yang dituduh sebagai pertubuhan pengganas pada hakikatnya turut dianggotai sarjana terkemuka Ikhwan Muslimin seperti Prof. Dr. Yusuf al-Qaradhawi. 5. Perlu diketahui sebelum ini gelaran ‘pengganas’ serta ‘pemberontak’ sering digunakan pemerintah Mesir semasa terhadap Ikhwan Muslimin selepas tentera pimpinan Jeneral al-Sisi merampas kuasa daripada Presiden Mohammed Morsi yang memenangi pilihan raya secara demokratik atas tiket dan sokongan Ikhwan Muslimin. Mesir pada hari ini adalah sekutu kuat Arab Saudi. 6. Qatar yang juga merupakan antara sekutu Arab Saudi dalam Majlis Kerjasama Teluk (GCC) sebelum ini telah dipulau kerana melindungi beberapa tokoh gerakan Ikhwan Muslimin, termasuklah Prof. Dr. Yusuf al-Qaradhawi. 7. Apabila Arab Saudi menekan Qatar, maka secara tidak langsung Ikhwan Muslimin telah turut terjejas. Siapa individu di sebalik dasar luar Arab Saudi ini? Tidak lain tidak bukan Putera Mohammad Bin Salman yang kini telah mengukuhkan kuasanya di istana Arab Saudi. Beliau bukan sahaja menyingkirkan beberapa putera yang boleh menyaingi beliau untuk mewarisi takhta pemerintahan Arab Saudi kelak, bahkan sudahpun berjaya menguasai pelbagai posisi strategik seperti sektor keselamatan dan ekonomi. 8. Pastinya sebagai bakal pewaris takhta Arab Saudi, Putera Mohammad Bin Salman akan melihat gerakan seperti Ikhwan Muslimin sebagai ancaman pada masa hadapan di mana anak muda Saudi kini terdedah dengan idea-idea politik luar menerusi perkembangan teknologi semasa. Ikhwan Muslimin bukan sahaja berpengaruh dari segi gerak kerja di lapangan, tetapi juga dalam ‘berdakwah’ menyebarkan idea perjuangan mereka dalam pelbagai saluran media. 9. Sememangnya ada khabar yang bertiup kencang bahawa Arab Saudi kini mulai bekerjasama dengan musuh ketat dunia Arab, dunia Islam, dan Ikhwan Muslimin sendiri, iaitu Israel. Meskipun tuduhan sedemikian dinafikan Arab Saudi, namun bacaan percaturan politik semasa tidak menguntungkan buat Ikhwan Muslimin sekiranya benar Riyadh menjalinkan kerjasama tidak rasmi dengan Israel terutama sekali dalam hal ehwal perisikan, teknologi, dan persenjataan. 10. Israel tentunya masih mengingati apa yang mampu dilakukan Ikhwan Muslimin terhadap penguasaan mereka ke atas bumi Palestin dan Baitulmaqdis sewaktu Presiden Morsi memimpin Mesir dalam tempoh yang singkat 2012-2013 yang lalu. Hamas iaitu cabang Ikhwan Muslimin di Palestin yang berjuang menentang Israel bukan sahaja mendapat sokongan yang kuat, bahkan berjaya melindungi Gaza sewaktu Morsi berkuasa. Maka pastinya Israel akan cuba untuk memanipulasi permusuhan Arab Saudi-Ikhwan Muslimin demi kepentingan mereka. 11. Perkembangan semasa perdamaian Fatah-Hamas juga perlu diawasi secara terperinci dari segi impaknya kepada kepentingan jangka panjang Ikhwan Muslimin. Hal ini demikian kerana broker perdamaian tersebut iaitu Mohammed Dahlan adalah individu yang direstui UAE, iaitu sekutu kuat Arab Saudi. Secara mudahnya, kerajaan campuran Palestin antara Hamas-Fatah kelak pastinya akan lebih cenderung kepada pengaruh Arab Saudi dan bukannya Ikhwan Muslimin sekiranya pelan pembentukan kerajaan campuran Palestin ini tidak dinilai secara mendalam. 12. Turki di bawah kepimpinan Erdogan juga adalah merupakan antara kuasa yang selesa dengan Ikhwan Muslimin. Walau bagaimanapun, di sebalik kejayaan kerjasama Turki-Iran-Rusia dalam menstabilkan Syria selepas menewaskan Daesh di sana, serta kejayaan Erdogan mengukuhkan kuasa beliau selaku Presiden Turki beberapa bulan lalu, Ankara akan berterusan berhadapan masalah dalaman bukan sahaja daripada isu Kurdish, tetapi juga saki-baki gerakan Fethullah Gulen. Malah para pemberontak Daesh juga masih menghadirkan ancaman ke atas kestabilan Turki dalam jangka masa panjang. 13. Serangan peluru berpandu berterusan puak Houthi ke Riyadh, Arab Saudi juga menggugat keupayaan Ikhwan Muslimin untuk menguatkan pengaruh mereka dalam kalangan warga Arab Saudi dan juga di negara-negara sekutunya seperti UAE, Bahrain, dan Kuwait. Hal ini demikian kerana serangan berkenaan dilihat sebagai ancaman yang didukung Iran – iaitu kuasa Parsi yang majoriti daripada lebih 80 juta populasinya menganut fahaman Syiah dan sekian lama dianggap mencabar dominasi Islam versi Sunni. Hasilnya, Arab Saudi dan negara sekutunya akan dilihat sebagai wira pelindung kepada Islam versi Sunni dalam menghadapi ancaman Iran yang Syiah, apatah lagi dalam keadaan dua kota suci umat Islam iaitu Mekah dan Madinah yang kini berada dalam naungan Arab Saudi. Kesimpulannya, gabungan lapan perkembangan geopolitik semasa yang telah dikupas ini tidak kondusif sama sekali buat gerakan Ikhwan Muslimin. Oleh: Abdul Muein Abadi Pensyarah Program Sains Politik Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) Sumber TKO - 26-11-2017 Enforced Disappearance, Arrests Of WomenIn October Escalates To Reach 46 on women detained in Egyptian prisons revealed an increase in the number of girls and women arbitrarily detained and sentenced to prison terms on politically-motivated charges, to reach 46 detainees in October 2017. Human rights activist Hoda Abdel-Moneim pointed to the escalating arrests of women and how authorities hold them hostages to force their relatives to surrender to security apparatuses – a new and abhorrent phenomenon that must be stopped immediately. She urged human rights activists and organizations to help stop this atrocious crime committed repeatedly by junta regime authorities against Egyptian women. On the Egyptian authorities’ policy of enforced disappearance of girls, Ahmed Abu-Zeid, researcher at the Arab Media Freedom Monitor, said the high rate of enforced disappearance of girls is a new crime committed vindictively by the coup regime. “This calls for a unified human rights movement to put pressure on Egyptian regime authorities to stop this systematic crime, which is a blatant violation of legal principles recognized by the Constitution and the law.” ECRF’s list of female detainees included: First: Nine detainees already sentenced to jail terms: 1. Samia Shanan “life imprisonment” 2. Iman Mustafa “10 years imprisonment, military court” 3. Esraa Khalid “13 years, civil and military courts” 4. Shaimaa Ahmed Saad “5 years” 5. Gihad Abdel-Hamid Taha “3 yars” 6. Basma Rifaat “15 years 7. Fawzia Dessouki “10 years 8. Yasmin Nadi “3 years 9. Amal Saber “3 years Second: 23 detainees remanded in pretrial custody: 1. Hala Abdel-Mogith 2. Hala Saleh 3. Rana Abdullah 4. Sarah Abdullah 5. Fatima Ali Gaber 6. Sherine Saeed Bekheet 7. Rabab Abdel-Mohsen 8. Ola Hussein 9. Rabab Ismail 10. Reem Qutb 11. Hanan Badr-Eddin 12. Sarah Abdel-Moneim 13. Mona Salem 14. Ghada Abdel-Aziz 15. Sarah Gamal 16. Fatima El-Sayed (AKA Hala Gayyed) 17. Inas Yasser 18. Ola Yusuf Al-Qaradawi 19. Raheeq Saeed 20. Roqaya Mustafa 21. Maryam Amr Habish 22. Asmaa Khaled Ezzelregal 23. Asmaa Zeidan Third: 14 women under enforced disappearance: 1. Nora Sadiq Al-Sharqawi 2. Rania Ali Omar Radwan 3. Ola Abdel-Hakim Mohamed Al-Saeed 4. Rehab Mahmoud Abdel-Sattar 5. Zubeida Ibrahim Ahmed Yoni 6. Samaher Abul-Rish 7. Karima Ramadan 8. Fathia Mazid Sondoq 9. Iman Hamdi Abdel-Hamid 10. Nisreen Abdullah Suleiman Robaa 11. Ayah Mossad Al-Dahshan 12. Afaf Hussain Salem 13. Omaima Hussein Salem 14. Somaya Maher Hazema Sumber BO - 26-10-2017 Security Forces in Egypt’s Zagazig UniversityArrest 84 Students revealed that the coup regime’s security forces launched a mass arrest campaign in which 84 students were randomly stopped at Zagazig University and hauled off to the security forces’ camp. The source disclosed that some students were later released, while some others are still under investigation. Osama Bayoumi, head of ECRF’s Criminal Justice department, criticized escalation of the authorities’ search and arrest crackdown on students without court orders. He stressed that what happened was a message to terrorize both detained and other university students and to deter or stop any political activity by students in the new academic year just starting. With regard to legal actions, Bayoumi said the detainees’ lawyers were waiting for their release or presentation to the prosecution if there were any charges against the students. – ikhwanweb Sumber BO - 7-10-2017 Egypt Authorities Ban Sunday Edition OfPro-Govt Daily newspaper for questioning the security apparatus’s failure to arrest a former government minister convicted of corruption. According to a statement released by private daily Al-Bawaba, publication of the paper’s Sunday edition was banned because it featured a news report on the failure of Egypt’s security apparatus to arrest Habib al-Adly, a former interior minister who served under autocratic President Hosni Mubarak. Mubarak was forced to step down as president following an 18-day popular uprising in early 2011. After having played a central role in Mubarak’s repressive regime from 1997 to 2011, Al-Adly was slapped with a seven-year jail sentence in April — along with millions of dollars in fines — after being convicted of embezzling public funds while serving as interior minister. Al-Bawaba said that the state-run Al-Ahram publishing house had refused to print its Sunday edition because “certain parties” — who it did not identify — had “demanded the deletion of a front-page report about al-Adly’s continued ability to escape punishment”. Sunday’s news report was meant to coincide with recent parliamentary efforts to question Magdi Abdel Ghaffar, Egypt’s current Interior Minister, regarding al-Adly’s fate and the failure to bring him to justice. The newspaper has reportedly called on President Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi to intervene in the situation with a view to “enforcing the law and protecting [the newspaper] from blatant interference by parties who are trying to conceal their career failures”. Amid steadily mounting criticism, Egypt’s security apparatus insists it is doing everything in its power to find and arrest al-Adly, who disappeared shortly after his conviction in April- worldbullwtin Sumber BO - 5-9-2017 Kejadian Orang ‘Dihilangkan’ Meningkat DuaKali Ganda
Laporan hak asasi manusia terkini menunjukkan kenaikan mendadak dua kali lipat, dalam jumlah
warga Mesir yang ‘dihilangkan secara paksa’ (enforced disappearance) oleh pasukan keselamatan
kuasa junta rampasan kuasa.
Menurut laporan itu, seorang pelajar Abdullah Hassan Ahmed Al-Maasari, berusia 19 tahun, yang
merupakan pelajar di Fakulti Kejuruteraan, Universiti Beni Suef telah ditangkap secara paksa.
Seorang pelajar lain Islam Gamal Al-Ghoul 22 tahun, pelajar di Fakulti Perdagangan, juga dari
Universiti Beni Suef, telah ditangkap secara paksa selama 18 hari berturut-turut setakat ini, selepas
penculikan mereka oleh tentera junta pada 31 Jun, 2017.
Keluarga-keluarga mereka yang hilang itu menuntut maklumat mengenai nasib dan tempat
penahanan mereka yang disayangi.
Selain itu, Mohamed Ayman Rushdie, 20, menghadapi nasib yang tidak diketahui.
Pasukan keselamatan junta di Iskandariah sewenang-wenangnya menangkapnya ketika dia berada
di rumah neneknya di daerah Muharram Bey, pada fajar pada 9 Ogos 2017 tanpa sebarang waran
undang-undang.
Beliau di heret ke destinasi yang tidak diketahui, di mana dia sedang ditahan sehingga kini.
Kebimbangan yang sama pernah dilaporkan oleh media antarabangsa hampir setahun yang lalu
apabila seorang pelajar berusia 22 tahun kali terakhir dilihat diheret jauh dari stesen metro Kaherah
oleh sekumpulan lelaki, tidak lama sebelum pasukan keselamatan menyerbu rumah keluarganya.
Menurut saksi, lelaki tidak dikenali memberkas Omar Khaled di stesen metro di ibu negara Mesir,
Kaherah, pada hari Khamis semasa dia sedang dalam perjalanan untuk bertemu rakan-rakan di
universiti.
Pegawai memberitahu ibu Khaled, Ghada Rifaat, bahawa mereka tidak tahu kemana anaknya
dibawa.
Pasukan keselamatan, katanya, menyerbu rumah keluarga itu tidak lama selepas beliau ‘dihilangkan’.
Sumber BO - 19-8-2017
Four Years After Coup, Egyptians RecallInjustice Mohamed Morsi in 2013, many Egyptians had to flee their country. Many say they have been put on trial on “fabricated” charges of inciting violence and plotting to overthrow the military-backed ruling regime. “I was arrested two days after the coup on fake charges of inciting violence,” Muslim Brotherhood leader Helmi Gazzar told Anadolu Agency. “The charges were baseless as there was no single proof brought against me by prosecutors,” said Gazzar, a former parliamentarian. Spending three months in a single cell, the Brotherhood leader was released on bail. He later fled Egypt to Sudan, where he lives now. Former lawmaker Ayman Nour said he had to flee Egypt following the coup against Morsi. “This was the first time to be forced to leave the country against my will,” said Nour, who now lives in Istanbul, Turkey. Nour said he had been previously detained for “telling the truth” and speaking out against injustice. “I will come back to Egypt soon once freedom of speech is restored,” he said. “I’m confident that God will never abandon those who paid the price of freedom with their blood.” Former deputy health minister Abdul Nasir Sakr, 61, gave a similar account of the circumstances that had forced him to flee Egypt. Speaking to Anadolu Agency, Sakr said he was detained by Egyptian security forces in 2013 following the dispersal of two major sit-ins in Cairo’s Rabaa al-Adawiya Square and Giza’s Nahda square. “I was released nearly a year later, but I had to flee to Sudan after I was charged [with violence],” he said. Hundreds of protesters were killed when Egyptian security forces violently cleared the two sit-ins amid a harsh crackdown that left thousands behind bars. Bloodiest day Mahmoud Abdulhamid al-Anani, 20, a journalist and blogger, was arrested in late 2013. “I was slapped with a 6-year jail term on charges of plotting to overthrow the government,” said Anani. He recalled that his house had been raided by security forces and one of his brothers was jailed for six months. “I managed to flee to Turkey in 2014,” Anani said, reiterating that he believes “the revolution will succeed” in Egypt. Former Al Jazeera correspondent Baher Mohamed, 34, was slapped with a 10-year jail term for allegedly spreading false news and links to the Muslim Brotherhood, which the authorities blacklisted in 2013. “The months I spent in prison have taught me how much they [authorities] hate the freedom of press, ” Mohamed said. “I have seen many innocent journalists languishing in prison,” he said. Mohamed’s jail term was later reduced to three after an appeal before being released a presidential pardon. “Knowledge is power and saves people from injustice,” Mohamed said. Mohammad Sultan, who now lives in the U.S., recalled bloodshed in Egypt following the violent dispersal of pro-Morsi protest camps in Cairo. “For two years, I have tried to remove the scenes of bloodshed, scattered bodies and injured people from my mind, but to no avail,” he said. “I tried hard to forget the smell of death.” Sultan, who was extradited to the U.S. after abandoning his Egyptian nationality, recalled that an Egyptian sniper had fired on him as he was broadcasting live the dispersal of the Rabaa camp. “He had almost missed me,” he said. He described the dispersal of the Rabaa sit in as “bloodiest day in Egypt’s modern history”.- worldbulletin.net Sumber BO - 14-8-2017 Legitimacy of the President, the EgyptianNational FrontAt present, Egypt is passing through a dangerous phase of its history – from political tyranny, economic collapse and social unrest, to the breakdown of the security and justice system, corruption in all aspects of life, and a blundering regime that has imposed itself on Egypt and Egyptians by force of arms, betrayed the homeland, sold its land and its waters, and the homeland’s security. In this perilous situation, there is certainly no alternative to national unity, bringing together all Egyptians, from across the political and social spectrum, to save the homeland from imminent and undeniable collapse, and cooperating to put an end to this treacherous military coup and oust the treasonous junta. The Muslim Brotherhood is endeavoring to close ranks with all the political groups, and supports the efforts they have made to reach a declaration of the establishment of the Egyptian National Front based on the Principles of Joint Action and the provisions that call for the protection of national independence, reaffirm Egypt’s Arab and Islamic identity, reclaim the people’s dignity, commit to the principles of the January 25, 2011 Revolution and its achievements, and the urgently required unity of all stakeholders, loyalty to the martyrs and the achievement of fair and prompt retribution from all criminals, reparation, release of detainees, the exclusion of the army from interference in political and economic affairs, commitment to a peaceful non-violent approach, restoring the vitality of the society with all its institutions, and liberating it from the hegemony of the military. The Principles of Joint Action document sets out areas of joint national action that can be taken to contribute to defeating the military coup against President Mohamed Morsi, the first elected civilian president in the history of Modern Egypt. We value all efforts in this regard, and we assure all of our commitment to reinstating legitimacy, foremost of which is the return of the elected President Mohamed Morsi, since legitimacy is the most important achievement of the January 25 Revolution. It also is a major demand for the revolutionaries now languishing behind bars as well as many segments of the Egyptian people. More importantly, it was the Egyptian people who made this legitimacy, through elections described by the whole world as truly free and fair. Needless to say, our commitment to legitimacy is not – at all – a bias towards or an attempt to empower any particular group or political orientation. Nor is it an attempt to seek power or to hold onto it. It is resolve to reclaim the right of the people, which if abandoned – this time round – will open the door later to a series of endless concessions and compromises. The Muslim Brotherhood is open to all, with hands extended, to cooperate with all those who oppose and reject the military coup to achieve these principles and the agreed approaches, while everyone – including the Muslim Brotherhood – maintains their own values and principles. The Muslim Brotherhood also asserts that unity and cooperation is not limited to work with the political groups, but with all segments of Egyptian society that are increasingly rejecting the coup, despite any disagreement in details. Working under a general umbrella, managing the transitional phase in a harmonious co-operative way is an indisputable necessity. Everyone now realizes that national responsibility at this stage requires us to rally all together around the most important national goal of saving the homeland, r ecovering the gains of the January 2011 Revolution and achieving democracy on the basis of justice and equality. This will hasten the ultimate end of the military coup, God willing, and achieve all Egyptians’ hopes and aspirations. Let us work together, with God’s blessing, until ultimate victory. Muslim Brotherhood Sumber BO - 9-6-2017 Junta Mesir Tahan Anak Dan Menantu SheikhYusof Al-QaradawiUlama Islam Sedunia Yusuf al-Qaradawi kerana didakwa terlibat dengan keganasan. Menurut sumber kehakiman yang dilaporkan agensi berita Anadolu, mereka yang ditahan pada hari Isnin lalu 26 Jun, dimaklumkan akan dibebaskan selepas 15 hari. Namun begitu, maklumat terbaharu sumber tersebut menyatakan, Ola al-Qaradawi dan suaminya, Hisham Halet, akan kekal dalam tahanan. Mereka dituduh menganggotai sebuah pertubuhan tidak sah, merujuk kepada Ikhwanul Muslimin yang telah diharamkan di Mesir. Selain itu, mereka juga didakwa sedang merancang satu tindakan pengganas terhadap keselamatan dan institusi awam. Peguam bagi keluarga tersebut, Ahmad Ebu Ala Madi berkata bahawa pasangan itu ditahan pada 23 Jun berhampiran Sahel al-Shamali di pantai utara Mesir, semasa mereka bercuti sempena hari raya Aidilfitri . Mesir, bersama-sama dengan sekutunya Arab Saudi, Bahrain dan Emiriah Arab Emirates, telah memutuskan hubungan dengan Qatar pada 5 Jun lalu. Kumpulan empat negara teluk Parsi itu telah menuduh Qatar menyokong keganasan. Sebaliknya, empat negara yang mengemukakan tuntutan terhadap negara pengeluar gas utama dunia itu, tanpa menyertakan apa-apa bukti.  Sementara itu, Doha telah berkali-kali menafikan tuduhan itu. Kumpulan sekutu Arab tersebut telah turut menuduh 59 individu dan 12 badan amal di Qatar yang “dikaitkan dengan keganasan”. Pihak Kementerian Luar Qatar melalui Menterinya Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani turut menyangkal dakwaan yang disifatkan tidak berasas dan hanya suatu fitnah semata-mata. Senarai individu yang dituduh negara Arab itu, termasuk Sheikh Yusof al-Qaradawi, ahli lama Ikhwanul Muslimin. Ikhwan yang ditubuhkan di Mesir, oleh tokoh dakwah dan gerakan Islam Hassan Al-Banna, menerajui kumpulan politik Islam yang tertua di dunia Arab. Pada tahun 2012, Ikhwan telah menyokong pencalonan Mohamed Morsi, dan beliau telah dipilih dengan jayanya sebagai orang Mesir yang pertama dipilih secara demokrasi. Namun Morsi telah digulingkan oleh satu rampasan kuasa terancang dengan pakatan tentera dipimpin oleh Abdul Fattah Al-Sisi, setahun kemudian. Pemerintah Mesir kemudiannya menyerang dua kem bantahan dengan kekerasan menyebabkan ribuan rakyat Mesir terkorban, dan kemudian telah mengharamkan Ikhwan. Ulama terbilang yang menjadi rujukan utama dunia, Sheikh Yusof telah berada dalam buangan dan tinggal di Qatar sejak tahun 1961. Sumber BO - 4-7-2017 Ikhwan dan Parti Haluan Kiri, Seru RakyatTurun Ke Jalan-jalan Rayayang berhaluan kiri Mesir menggesa rakyat negara itu turun ke jalan-jalan raya pada hari Jumaat untuk membantah kelulusan Parlimen dalam perjanjian penandaan sempadan yang kontroversi. Keputusan pemerintah Mesir itu yang bakal menyaksikan kedaulatan ke atas dua pulau Laut Merah, dipindahkan dari Mesir ke Arab Saudi. “Mesir perlu bersatu menentang perjanjian ini,” kata Hamdeen Sabbahi, yang pernah bertanding dalam pilihan raya presiden selepas rampasan kuasa pertama Mesir pada tahun 2014. Beliau menegaskan demikian pada sidang akhbar pada petang Rabu di ibu pejabat Parti Demokratik Mesir berhaluan kiri, d iKaherah  tunjuk perasaan di dataran awam di seluruh negara selepas solat Jumaat untuk menyatakan penolakan rakyat Mesir kepada rejim semasa, dipimpin Presiden Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi. Pada sidang akhbar itu, Sabbahi akan mengetuai perarakan bantahan, disertai dengan berpuluh- puluh wartawan dan aktivis yang akan berlangsung di Dataran Talaat Harb Kaherah, berhampiran dengan Dataran Tahrir, yang bersejarah. Tidak lama selepas itu, kumpulan Ikhwan Muslimin yang diharamkan, juga membuat seruan agar rakyat berhimpun pada hari ‘Jumaat kemarahan’ perjanjian penandaan sempadan baru maritime tersebut.  “Kami menyeru gelombang baru protes terhadap al-Sisi dan rejim ‘ putschist’ beliau,” menurut kenyataan yang dikeluarkan oleh kumpulan. Ketika berkhidmat sebagai Menteri Pertahanan pada tahun 2012, al-Sisi mengetuai rampasan kuasa tentera yang menyaksikan Mohamed Morsi, Presiden bebas yang dipilih kali pertama Mesir, digulingkan dan dipenjarakan. Berikutan rampasan kuasa itu, Ikhwan secara rasmi diharamkan dan digelar ‘kumpulan pengganas’ oleh rejim al-Sisi. Pada hari Rabu, parlimen Mesir meluluskan perjanjian penandaan sempadan, yang pada mulanya dimeterai tahun lepas antara Kaherah dan Riyadh.  Jika dilaksanakan, perjanjian itu meninggalkan kesan, memindahkan kedaulatan Mesir ke atas dua pulau tidak didiami pulau-pulau Laut Merah, Tiran dan Sanafir kepada negara ke Arab Saudi. Langkah itu diputuskan pemerintah, walaupun pembangkang popular meluas dan peraturan Januari oleh Mahkamah Agung Pentadbiran Mesir, telah menolak cadangan pemindahan pulau-pulau ‘ke Arab Saudi. Pada bulan April tahun lalu, Keherah telah buat k ali pertamanya mengumumkan rancangan untuk memindahkan kedua-dua pulau, yang terletak di muka Teluk Aqaba antara Arab Saudi dan Mesir semenanjung Sinai kepada pemilikan Saudi. Berita daripada perjanjian itu mendorong kemarahan orang ramai di tengah-tengah tuduhan bahawa al-Sisi telah menjual wilayah Mesir kepada Arab Saudi, yang sejak rampasan kuasa 2013 telah memberikan berbilion dolar ke Mesir untuk menyokong ekonomi negara yang bermasalah itu. Sumber BO - 16-6-2017 Zainab al-Ghazali; Inspirasi MujahidahZainab al-Ghazali al-Jubaily (1917 – 2005 M) telah kembali ke rahmatullah pada 3 Ogos 2005. Dalam usia mencecah 88 tahun, beliau telah berkecimpung dalam bidang dakwah selama 53 tahun bersama dengan gerakan Jama’at al-Sayyidaat al-Muslimat, salah satu sayap pergerakan kaum muslimat di dalam gerakan lkhwan al-Muslimin, Mesir. Beliau merupakan tulang belakang kepada gerakan muslimat yang merentasi beberapa buah negara Arab dan Islam sepanjang perjalanannya sebagai pendakwah. Zainab al-Ghazali yang dilahirkan pada 2 Januari 1917/ bersamaan 8 Rabiul Awal 1335 H, di sebuah perkampungan al-Buhairah (utara Kaherah), adalah terdiri daripada keluarga yang berpegang kuat kepada ajaran Islam. Bapanya adalah salah seorang ulama al-Azhar yang cukup berpengaruh dan bertanggungjawab mentarbiyahnya dengan ilmu-ilmu agama agar beliau sentiasa berpegang kepada kebenaran. Bapanya memanggil beliau dengan panggilan Nusaibah Binti Ka’ab, iaitu salah seorang sahabat wanita yang mempertahankan Rasulullah ﷺ di dalam medan Uhud. Pada peribadi Zainab al-Ghazali tercanai kukuh sifat-sifat gigih dan berani hasil didikan ayahnya yang menginginkan beliau menjadi seorang yang hebat. Bapanya sering membawa beliau bersama ke masjid dan menghadiri majlis-majlis ta’alim bersama beberapa ulama’ al-Azhar. Beliau sering diperingatkan agar sentiasa menunaikan solatnya pada awal waktu dan membentuk jati diri mujahidah dengan sering menceritakan kisah para sahabiyah terulung dan meniupkan semangat untuk mencontohi perjuangan mereka dalam membela agama Islam. Selain mendidik, bapanya juga merupakan usahawan kapas di Mesir. Selepas bapanya meninggal dunia ketika Zainab al-Ghazali berusia 10 tahun, beliau dibawa ibu dan saudaranya berpindah ke Kaherah bagi meneruskan kehidupannya di sana. Di Kaherah, beliau aktif dalam aktiviti kemasyarakatan dan pernah menganggotai salah sebuah pertubuhan wanita yang dipimpin oleh Huda Sya’arawi pada tahun 1923. Pandangan pertubuhan berkenaan, sering mendapat kritikan hebat daripada para ulama al-Azhar kerana membawa agenda westernisasi feminisme dan liberalisme. Pandangan ahli pertubuhan yang dipimpin Huda Sya’rawi itu disifatkan al-Azhar menyeleweng daripada nas-nas Islam yang sebenar, sehingga menyebabkan akhirnya sebarang aktiviti pertubuhan itu dilarang untuk bergerak di Mesir. Huda Sya’rawi terkenal dengan kelantangannya menuntut dan memperjuangkan hak-hak wanita, malah pernah melantik Zainab al-Ghazali dalam bahagian pentadbiran dengan harapannya agar gadis yang dilihatnya sangat berpotensi itu bakal menggantikannya memimpin kumpulan memperjuangkan hak wanita tersebut. Namun, selepas sekian lama Nusaibah Binti Ka’ab kurun ke-20 ini bersama pergerakan pimpinan Huda Sya’arawi, Zainab al-Ghazali meninggalkan pertubuhan wanita yang songsang itu dan menubuhkan satu pertubuhan muslimat yang menumpukan perhatian kepada penyebaran dakwah di kalangan kaum wanita pada tahun 1936. Implikasi penglibatan beliau tersebut pada masa yang sama dapat menghakis prejudis terhadap Islam yang kononnya sentiasa menghalang atau menyekat kebebasan wanitanya daripada turut menyumbang kepada kepimpinan masyarakat dan negara.  Selain berkhidmat dalam pergerakan sosial, Zainab al-Ghazali turut tidak mengecualikan dirinya untuk terus mempelajari \ilmu-ilmu agama daripada beberapa orang guru al-Azhar secara tidak formal antaranya seperti Syaikh Ali Mahfuz, Syaikh Muhammad Sulaiman al-Najjar dan Syaikh Majid al-Labban. Hal ini kerana pengajian bagi syahadah di Universiti al-Azhar hanya dibuka secara rasmi kepada siswi bermula pada tahun 1961. Oleh kerana itu, beliau menyusun pelbagai kegiatan ilmu di antaranya menubuhkan pusat dakwah bagi melahirkan para pendakwah di kalangan wanita. Dari masa ke semasa, pertubuhan muslimat yang diasaskannya mengadakan kerjasama dengan gerakan lkhwan al-Muslimin pimpinan Hassan al-Banna pada tahun 1948, sebelum konspirasi pembunuhan terhadapnya berlaku. Sepanjang pengenalan Zainab al-Ghazali dengan Hassan al-Banna, beliau giat memperkenalkan pertubuhan muslimat sebagai salah satu anggota sayap bagi gerakan lkhwan al-Muslimin khusus bagi kaum wanita. Zainab al-Ghazali menerajui gerakan yang dinamakan Jama’at al-Sayyidaat al-Muslimat dengan jumlah keanggotaan seramai 3 juta orang. Apabila berlaku pembunuhan Mursyidul Am Ikhwan al-Muslimin iaitu Hassan al-Banna, Zainab al-Ghazali terus beristiqamah di dalam gerakan Islam dan berbai’ah kepada Hassan al-Hudhaibi, pengganti Hassan al-Banna itu untuk terus berbakti dalam perjuangan menegakkan Islam. Beliau terus mengadakan pertemuan dan perbincangan dengan pimpinan-pimpinan Ikhwan al-Muslimin, mendengar pandangan-pandangan mereka dan mengambil pengajaran daripada mereka. Namun, gerakan lkhwan al-Muslimin sering menerima tribulasi sehingga ramai di kalangan pimpinannya ditangkap atas arahan Perdana Menteri ketika itu, Mustafa al-Nuhas Basha (1879 – 1965 M). Zainab al-Ghazali memainkan peranan penting menghubungi isteri-isteri pimpinan Ikhwan yang ditangkap dan membantu kebajikan mereka. Tekanan demi tekanan terus diterima, walaupun setelah pemerintahan Raja Farouk (silsilah raja terakhir dalam keluarga Muhammad Ali Pasha) digulingkan dalam revolusi 23 Julai 1952 yang dipimpin Jamal Abd al-Nasir. Di zaman Jamal Abd al-Nasir, Zainab al-Ghazali dipaksa memimpin sayap wanita Parti Sosialis Mesir yang diasaskan oleh Salama Moussa (1887 – 1958 M), tetapi beliau menolaknya dengan keras. Salama Moussa yang beragama Kristian Koptik merupakan pemikir sosialis pertama di Mesir. Salama sangat terpengaruh dengan fabianisme ketika belajar di Lincoln’s Inn Society, England dan pernah menjadi anggota “The Fabian Society” pada Julai 1909. Pada tahun 1913, Salama kembali ke Mesir dan berusaha untuk menyebarkan dasar sosialisme bersama Farah Antoun (1874 – 1922 M).  Keengganan Zainab al-Ghazali untuk menyertai parti sosialis Salama Moussa menyebabkan Jamal Abd al-Nasir mengeluarkan arahan agar pertubuhan muslimat diharamkan, segala penerbitannya dilarang. Beliau ditangkap pada Ogos 1965 dan dipenjarakan di penjara wanita al-Qanatir selama enam tahun atas tuduhan sebagai penentang revolusi. Penderitaannya dalam penjara dirakamkan dalam karya yang berjudul “أيام من حياتي”, bermaksud hari-hari dalam hidupku. Buku tersebut telah diterjemahkan ke Bahasa Melayu oleh al-Marhum Ustaz Hj. Mohd Tahir Daeng Mengati. Akhirnya dengan perantaraan dan campur tangan Raja Arab Saudi, Raja Faisal Abd al-Aziz (1904 – 1975 M), Zainab al-Ghazali telah dibebaskan di zaman pemerintahan Anwar Sadat pada Ogos 1971. Setelah beliau dibebaskan, beliau terus memperlihatkan kesungguhannya dalam bidang dakwah tanpa pudar dan terus istiqamah sehingga membuatnya terpanggil menyebarkan Islam bukan sahaja dalam negara asalnya di Mesir, malah ke beberapa buah negara Arab dan Islam. Beliau juga semakin aktif dalam bidang penulisan yang dikaitkannya dengan amalan dakwah. Terdapat beberapa kitabnya yang mendapat pengiktirafan ilmuwan Islam antaranya seperti karya “نحو بعث جديد” dan “نظرات في كتاب الله”. Sesungguhnya penjara dan seksaan, tidak mematahkan tekad Zainab al-Ghazali bahkan membuatkannya lebih kuat. Beliau meninggalkan warisan berupa perjuangan membela Islam dan reputasinya sebagai aktivis muslimat yang tanpa ragu melawan ideologi-ideologi songsang dan menggantikannya dengan nilai-nilai Islam. Zainab al-Ghazali meyakini bahawa syariat Islam tidak melarang kaum wanita untuk bermasyarakat, berusaha pada bidang perekonomian atau apapun kegiatan demi menunjang perkembangan sosial Muslim. Keistimewaan ini tidak diberi oleh mana-mana agama ataupun perundangan lain kerana dalam Islam peranan wanita diiktiraf sebahagian daripada tonggak dalam masyarakat. Wanita berhak bergerak dalam dunia politik serta mengungkapkan gagasan-gagasannya, kerana masa depan kepada perkembangan semasa dan jatuh bangun sesuatu kebangkitan bermula dengan wanita. Walaupun usaha yang dilakukan oleh muslimat tidak seperti sumbangan kaum muslimin, tetapi tanggungjawab untuk menyebarkan risalah dakwah adalah tanggungjawab bersama. Malah mereka di kurniakan keistimewaan khusus di mana pengaruhnya dapat meresap ke dalam jiwa individu, keluarga, masyarakat dan ummah seluruhnya. Tanpa adanya gabungan tenaga antara muslimin dan muslimat maka kejayaan penyebaran misi risalah agung ini tidak tercapai dan terlaksana. Firman Allah : وَالْمُؤْمِنُونَ وَالْمُؤْمِنَاتُ بَعْضُهُمْ أَوْلِيَاءُ بَعْضٍ ۚ يَأْمُرُونَ بِالْمَعْرُوفِ وَيَنْهَوْنَ عَنِ الْمُنكَرِ “Dan orang-orang yang beriman, lelaki dan perempuan, sebahagian mereka (adalah) menjadi penolong bagi sebahagian yang lain. Mereka menyuruh (mengerjakan) yang makruf, mencegah dari yang mungkar…” (surah al-Taubah, ayat 71) Zainab al-Ghazali tetap berpendirian bahawa tugas utama seorang wanita adalah menjadi ibu yang baik bagi anak-anak dan menjadi isteri yang taat bagi suaminya. Jangan ada apapun yang menghalangi kaum wanita untuk tidak menjalankan tugas ini. Tidak dapat dinafikan bahawa penglibatan Zainab al-Ghazali di dalam gerakan dakwah telah menjadi inspirasi kepada muslimah di zaman moden ini. Akhirnya pada tanggal 3 Ogos 2005, beliau dijemput pulang ke pangkuan Ilahi dan disolatkan di masjid Rabia’t al-Adawiyyah, Medinat Nasr. Sumber BO - 24-5-2017 Tentera Mesir Terus Mengganas, MusnahkanTerowong GazaTentera Mesir terus mengganas dan telah memusnahkan dua terowong merentas sempadan yang menghubungkan Mesir Sinai Peninsula ke Semenanjung Gaza yang dikepung, jurucakap tentera semalam. Dalam satu kenyataan, Kolonel Tamer al-Rifai mendakwa dua terowong yang telah digunakan untuk “pemerdagangan manusia dan penyeludupan” telah dirobohkan oleh tentera Mesir di sempadan Utara Sinai. Al-Rifai berkata mereka merampas 20 tin bahan api, dan sepuluh guni wayar kimpalan yang digunakan untuk membuat bahan-bahan letupan. Angkatan tentera Mesir telah memusnahkan sejumlah 27 terowong merentas sempadan di sepanjang sempadan dengan Gaza sejak Januari.  Terasa bahang dari sekatan dekad-panjang dengan Israel, kira-kira 2 juta penduduk Semenanjung Gaza telah datang untuk bergantung pada rangkaian canggih terowong merentas sempadan untuk mengimport komoditi asas, termasuk makanan, bahan api dan perubatan. Berikutan rampasan kuasa tentera 2013 terhadap Mohamed Morsi, presiden yang dipilih secara bebas pertama Mesir dan seorang pemimpin Ikhwan Muslimin, pihak berkuasa Mesir telah bertindak keras keras pada rangkaian terowong Sinai-Gaza. Pada tahun 2014, Mesir mula membina sebuah “zon penampan” di sepanjang sempadannya dengan Semenanjung Gaza Hamas berikutan siri serangan militan terhadap pasukan keselamatan Mesir dikerahkan di Sinai. Satu tahun kemudian, tentera Mesir mula membanjiri rangkaian terowong dengan air laut dalam usaha untuk membasmi semua trafik rentas sempadan. Sumber BO - 21-5-2017 Coup Regime Bears Responsibility ForPresident Morsi SafetyMohamed Morsi for unjustly detained in military jails., in which he Morsi’ family affirmed that he is being subjected to gross violations in a place of solitary confinement, endangering his life, while being prevented from meeting his family or lawyers for four years thus far. “during the unconstitutional sham trial of President Morsi, he asked to meet with his defense team to discuss a matter of urgency; threats to his life in the detention center. “He also complained that he has been completely prevented from seeing his family or his lawyers for four years now,” said President Morsi’s family statement on 6th May, and warned that the coup leader, his interior minister, his public prosecutor and the President’s security team fully responsible for the President’s life in detention. Responded to the statement, the FJP holds the coup regime fully responsible for the health and life of the President. 
void, and lack all the standards guaranteed by the law and the constitution for trying presidents.
“Indeed, this unconstitutional trial of the first elected President of Egypt, after the January 25 (2011) Revolution, is in fact a trial of the will of the people who chose him. \ “Furthermore, the FJP reaffirms that it will persist in the Revolution, with all active popular, partisan and political groups, to face this brutal military coup, “so that the homeland will regain its freedom, and the people restore their dignity and exact retribution from those who committed crimes against them,” according statement from The Freedom and Justice Party.  Meanwhile, The Muslim Brotherhood reiterates its condemnation of all the farcical and unconstitutional actions and processes used by the traitorous coup repeatedly against President Mohamed Morsi, the legitimate elected President of Egypt. Muslim Brotherhood Media Spokesman, Dr Talaat Fahmi said, the group also denounces the junta, the coup gang, and its vindictive actions against the President, denying him the right to see his family for four years thus far. “The Muslim Brotherhood holds the coup regime fully responsible for the health and life of the patriotic President, who stands uniquely steadfast for the legitimacy of the Egyptian people and the principles of their Revolution, “ Dr Talaat Fahmi added Sumber BO - 8-5-2017 Roket Ditembak Dari Sinai, Melanda Eshkol,IsraelSebuah roket dilepaskan pada hari Isnin dari semenanjung Sinai Mesir ke selatan Israel, menurut tentera Israel. “beberapa detik lalu, peluru dilancarkan dari Semenanjung Sinai dan melanda Majlis Daerah Eshkol,” kata seorang jurucakap tentera berkata di Twitter. Tiada kecederaan dilaporkan dan tidak ada pihak yang mengaku bertanggungjawab terhadap serangan itu sertta pihak berkuasa Mesir masih belum mengulas tentang kejadian itu. Serangan itu dibuat beberapa jam selepas Israel memutuskan untuk menutup sempadan dengan Mesir di tengah-tengah kejadian dua pengeboman gereja yang membunuh lebih daripada 40 orang di utara Mesir. Pihak berkuasa Mesir telah mengisytiharkan keadaan darurat selama tiga bulan berikutan serangan, yang mana diakui oleh ISIL kumpulan pengganas. Sinai telah kekal menjadi pusat pemberontakan militan maut sejak 2013, apabila Mohamed Morsi, presiden pertama Mesir bebas-dipilih, digulingkan dalam rampasan kuasa tentera berdarah. Dalam hampir empat tahun sejak rampasan kuasa itu, beratus-ratus anggota keselamatan Mesir telah terbunuh di seluruh Semenanjung yang bergolak. Sementara itu, tentera Mesir terus melancarkan kempen sengit yang melibatkan unsur-unsur kedua-dua pihak polis dan tentera, terhadap apa yang mereka sifatkan sebagai ‘kumpulan pengganas’ berpangkalan di Sinai. Pihak berkuasa yang disokong tentera Mesir mengatakan mereka berjuang menentang pengganas di Wilayah Sinai satu Kumpulan itu yang dipercayai mempunyai kaitan dengan kumpulan pengganas ISIL. Sumber BO - 11-4-20117 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Mesir Adalah ‘Penjara Terbesar’ Kepada Petugas MediaBeliau ditahan sebaik tiba di lapangan terbang Kaherah pada 20 Disember ketika mahu melawat bersama keluarganya dari Qatar. Mahmoud kemudiannya dituduh melakukakn hasutan terhadap institusi negara dan menyiarkan berita palsu dengan tujuan untuk menyebarkan huru-hara . Sejak itu, Mesir terus menyaksikan tindakan keras lanjut terhadap aktivis dan kakitangan media. Pada 27 Disember, Presiden Mesir, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi menandatangani undang-undang media yang baru, menyaksikan pewujudan Majlis Tertinggi Pentadbiran Media. Suatu majlis dengan kuasa untuk membatalkan lesen akhbar media asing dan organisasi media serta menhatuhkan hukuman denda atau menggantung penerbitan. Undang-undang itu, menurut penganalisis, dianggap satu tamparan kepada kebebasan akhbar di negara Mesir. Mahmoud adalah salah satu daripada sekurang-kurangnya 26 wartawan yang kini dipenjarakan kerana kerja-kerja media media.  Awal bulan ini, mahkamah tempatan menangguhkan keputusan akhir bekas Pengerusi Syndicate Press (Kesatuan Wartawan), Yehia Qallash, yang ditahan bersama-sama dengan rakan-rakannya, Gamal Abdel Reheem dan Khaled El-Balshy, pada bulan November. Ketiga-tiga mereka dituduh melindungi dua warga asing petugas media, di pejabat mereka. Selepas ‘kantor’ mereka telah menggeledah, mereka dikenakan hukuman dua tahun dengan ikat jamin sebanyak EGP 10,000 setiap seorang, meng mencatat sejarah hitam media Mesir apabila pertama kali kesatuan itu dihadapkan ke mahkamah. Pada 1 Mac, Speaker Parlimen, Ali Abdel-Aal, bersama-sama dengan ahli-ahli politik Mesir, memfailkan aduan jenayah terhadap editor akhbar tempatan Al-Maqal, Ibrahim Eissa. Eissa dituduh ‘menghina’ parlimen, merujuk kepada tajuk utama yang menyindir dicetak oleh akhbar itu. Penyelaras program Timur Tengah dan Afrika Utara untuk Jawatankuasa Perlindungan Wartawan Sherif Mansour berkata, tuduhan terhadap wartawan itu adalah kerana mengkritik prestasi mereka.  “ahli parlimen Mesir sepatutnya memelihara jaminan perlembagaan kebebasan akhbar oleh undang-undang dan menarik balik tuduhan jenayah ‘menghina Parlimen’, ” ujarnya. Mahkamah jenayah Kaherah juga mengguhkan perbicaraan wartawan Mahmoud yang sepatutnya bersidang pada Mac 21, ditangguhkan sehingga 8 April. Abou Zeid, yang lebih dikenali sebagai Shawkan, ditangkap pada tahun 2013. Beliau adalah sebahagian daripada kes “Rabaa Penyuraian”, yang juga ditahan bersama para pemimpin Ikhwan. Abou Zeid telah membuat meliputi bantahan di Rabaa sepanjang bulan Ogos 2013, apabila beliau dicekup bersama-sama dengan ribuan aktivis yang ditahan. Beliau merupakan wartawan tunggal yang dibicarakan, disumbat dalam penjara dan mendrita dengan penyakit Hepatitis C . Mesir kini berada pada kedudukan 159 daripada 180 buah negara di dunia tanpa dalam laporan ‘Wartawan Tanpa Sempada’ mengenai Indeks Kebebasan Akhbar Sedunia. Mesir dianggap oleh dunia media, wartawan dan akhbar sebagai salah satu daripada “penjara terbesar untuk wartawan” di dunia. Sumber: Al Jazeera Sumber BO - 1-4-2017 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Investigate Crimes And Violations In Egypt PrisonsAhmed’s suffering began when he was arrested on October 24, 2014 after a security officer searched through his mobile phone, and found a photograph of Ahmed in front of the Al-Fateh Mosque in Istanbul, Turkey, taken during a study trip there. Ahmed was promptly subjected to an illegal episode of forced disappearance that lasted a long while. Then, he was presented to the prosecutor, and later transferred to a prison, and then to notorious Tora’s interrogation dungeons. On March 26, 2016, Ahmed was unjustly sentenced to 10 years in prison, and then hauled away to harsh Wadi Al-Natrun Prison. Ahmed and his family have been subjected to many violations – from inhuman, extremely abusive treatment and atrocities to absurd intransigence in the few visits allowed. Ahmed is a top student at his university. However, the university administration (in violation of the law) refused to let him sit for his examinations behind bars.  Several months ago, Ahmed’s health started deteriorating. He experienced excessive fatigue and exhaustion. Due to medical neglect in the prison, no medical checks, treatment or care was provided. Ahmed’s family wrote to Egypt’s National Council for Human Rights explaining his medical condition, and asked for help to get him to a specialist to diagnose his medical problem and provide appropriate treatment. Ahmed was then moved to Lehman Tora Prison. Test samples were taken to examine, in order to diagnose the disease he was suffering and which caused him severe fatigue. Doctors suspected he had leukemia. From prison, Ahmed sent his mother the following letter, describing his deplorable state: Mom… I miss you so much I am sorry for the painful reality that has surrounded us, and imposed on us what we do not like. Do not cry! Do not cry… For your teardrops echo painfully in my chest I write to you, but my words are fading off in my head, my pen is stuttering, scribbling the words weakly. But you are always in my heart, on my mind. Now, after my long stay here in this moldy filthy place, I am in a state of confusion and delirium. I wear ugly filthy clothes that I loathe, as I stay up in the darkness in long nights of pain and silence and sorrow. I break the silence and lose my patience as I race with time, neck and neck. I look forward to breaking his strength, but and I contemplate my current weakness with sadness, regret and shame.  Now, I have to remind myself of who I am. Prison does not deprive us of freedom only, but tries to force us to forget our identity. So, it crumbles. Prison further steals away our health and our lives. For more than seven months now, I have been suffering from a disease… but I do not know just what is. I try to resist, so as not to show the exhaustion and fatigue that is killing me… but, to my dismay, I am no longer capable of doing anything! I am afraid… not from the disease, but of staying here and dying between the dreary walls of this age-old prison cell, becoming just another entry in the death toll statistics, just as I am now just a number here. My mind refuses to think of dying here away from you, my mother and my brothers. I am afraid of dying alone here behind bars These were young Ahmed’s words to his mother. They describe the dark sad reality that young man still lives inside a junta prison.  Ahmed has been diagnosed with a serious, rare and fatal disease… not Leukemia. He will certainly die, if proper treatment is not provided immediately. Ahmed’s disease, called “visceral leishmaniasis”, is caused by insects in places where hygiene is ignored, such as prisons and places of detention in Egypt where Ahmed was held. When junta forces arrested and detained him, Ahmed was in perfectly good health. He got infected and his health suffered tremendously inside the prison. Ahmed’s disease destroys the immune system and blood cells, and damages the liver, spleen and stomach, ending with death. Cairo’s Qasr El-Eini Hospital stressed that Ahmed’s illness is at a very late stage, and that its Pathology Department is unable to determine the extent of the spread of the disease, adding that continued presence in prison dooms him to death. More recently, Ahmed’s sister said: “We are no longer asking that Ahmed should be allowed to receive medical treatment, because his illness is in such a very late stage, he has no chance. We are pleading with authorities to release Ahmed to die in his home, or to transfer him to a hospital. Now, his immunity is ‘zero’. We, at Shehab Center for Human Rights, recount this painful reality of Ahmed and his family as an example of the atrocious life of detainees and prisoners in Egyptian prisons. That is a state of neglect and indifference impacting everything: negligence and carelessness and disrespect towards the law; neglect and callousness with regard to inmates’ ill-health; neglect and callousness about complaints filed by prisoners and their families; and negligence and indifference to the injustice and violations against the prisoners because of their views against the military’s ruling regime. Unfortunately, Egyptian authorities have been stripped of their humanity in dealing with all opponents in prisons and places of detention.  The judicial authority in Egypt has become a compliant tool in the hands of the executive authority, unfortunately becoming an oppressive tentacle that unjustly persecutes the regime’s opponents outside the framework of the law. The coup’s judiciary no longer responds to complaints or grievances. Needless to say, the law is made to organize, control and oversee humanitarian transactions to prevent chaos and demagogy; to give mankind happiness, not to torture or take revenge against humanity. Shehab Center for Human Rights calls for the following: 1. The Egyptian authorities – the Attorney General, the Interior Ministry and the Prison Service – must start enforcing the law, consider the humanitarian dimension and immediately release Ahmed Al-Khatib, and facilitate all relevant processes urgently and immediately to provide medical care for Ahmed to save his life. 2. All international human rights organizations, the United Nations and the African, European and American human rights commissions must pressure the Egyptian regime to respect the application of local law, which contains provisions protecting the rights of prisoners and detainees, as well as the UN Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners. 3. Tasking international fact-finding committees to investigate crimes and violations taking place inside coup prisons and places of detention across Egypt, and to report any violation or negligence. Finally, these crimes committed against detainees and prisoners, will not be forgotten, since they have no statutes of limitation and amount to crimes against humanity Sumber BO - 27-3-2017 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Posted on Saturday, March 25 @ 09:00:00 MYT Dilulus untuk paparan oleh PenjualCendol http://tranungkite.net/v12/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=34172  |
KAHERAH: Bekas Presiden Mesir, Hosni Mubarak yang digulingkan pada 2011 meninggalkan hospital tentera pada Jumaat selepas dibebaskan daripada enam tahun dalam tahanan.
Ia merupakan pembebasan bekas pemimpin yang memerintah negara itu selama 30 tahun.
Mubarak telah dibebaskan oleh mahkamah pada awal bulan ini daripada tuduhan membunuh ratusan penunjuk perasaan pada 2011.
"Ya," kata peguamnya, Farid al-Deeb kepada AFP ketika ditanya sama ada Mubarak telah meninggalkan hospital pada Jumaat.
Mubarak dituduh menyebabkan kematian penunjuk perasaan ketika pemberontakan selama 18 hari yang menyaksikan hampir 850 orang terbunuh selepas pertempuran dengan polis.
Mubarak dijatuhi hukuman penjara seumur hidup pada 2012, tetapi mahkamah rayuan mengarahkan perbicaraan semula sebelum membatalkan dakwaan itu dua tahun kemudian.
Mahkamah Rayuan Mesir membebaskan Mubarak daripada tuduhan itu pada 2 Mac lalu.
Pada Januari 2016, Mahkamah Rayuan mengekalkan hukuman penjara tiga tahun terhadap Mubarak dan dua anak lelakinya atas tuduhan rasuah.
Bagaimanapun hukuman itu telah mengambil kira tempoh hukuman yang telah dijalaninya. Kedua-dua anak lelakinya, Alaa dan Gamal telah dibebaskan.
Pada Khamis, mahkamah mengarahkan siasatan baharu berhubung kes rasuah terhadap Mubarak yang didakwa menerima hadiah daripada akhbar milik pemerintah, Al-Ahram.
Beliau juga dilarang ke luar negara. -AFP
Sumber TKO - 25-3-2017
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Gehad El-Haddad Began A Hunger-strike
Gehad El-Haddad, jailed spokesman of the Muslim Brotherhood, began a hunger-strike in notorious Aqrab Prison where he is held, after getting thrown in a ‘discipline cell’ as punishment for his New York Times article titled “I’m a Member of the Muslim Brotherhood, Not a Terrorist” – published in February, which reiterates the organization’s stances.
Dr Mona Imam, El-Haddad’s mother, said her son is being treated very badly since the New York Times published on February 22 an article he penned.
She further said the prison administration transferred her son Gehad to an extreme solitary confinement cell, allowing him none of his medicines, and no exercise at all, and continued a total ban on visits for him which began in September 2016.
Moreover, Dr Mona Imam said her son Gehad began a hunger strike, which he will escalate, as the only means open to him to protest violations, no matter what the pain or dangers this will cause him, especially since the prison administration had already started starving him in recent weeks.
“There are no fluids he can take to reduce the dangers of the strike. He only has access to tap water – dirty brown and stinking water. Nothing else is allowed.
“These criminals have left him lying in his cell; knowing fully well that he could lose consciousness at any moment as a result of the hunger-strike, as happened to him previously, while no-one can even hear his voice, if he shouts for help in such an emergency.
“Aqrab Prison’s criminal administration have proved the truth of the motto ‘Dying to Live’: going on a hunger-strike until death, as the only means of survival!”
Mona stressed that she holds the Aqrab Prison administration, the prison service and the National Council for Human Rights fully responsible for the life of her son Gehad El-Haddad.
The New York Times had published a leaked letter from El-Haddad in which he said: “I write this from the darkness of solitary confinement in Egypt’s most notorious prison, where I have been held for more than three years. I am forced to write these words because an inquiry is underway in the United States regarding charges that the Muslim Brotherhood, an organization to which I have devoted years of my life, is a terrorist group.
“We are not terrorists. The Muslim Brotherhood’s philosophy is inspired by an understanding of Islam that emphasizes the values of social justice, equality and the rule of law. Since its inception in 1928, the Brotherhood has lived in two modes: surviving in hostile political environments or uplifting society’s most marginalized. As such, we have been written about, spoken of, but rarely heard from. It is in that spirit that I hope these words find light.
“We are a morally conservative, socially aware grass-roots movement that has dedicated its resources to public service for the past nine decades. Our idea is very simple: We believe that faith must translate into action. That the test of faith is the good you want to do in the lives of others, and that people working together is the only way to develop a nation, meet the aspirations of its youth and engage the world constructively. We believe that our faith is inherently pluralistic and comprehensive and that no one has a divine mandate or the right to impose a single vision on society.”
***Gehad El-Haddad’s NYT Article in full: I Am a Member of the Muslim Brotherhood, Not a Terrorist
Sumber BO - 13-3-2017
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Mahkamah Mesir Jatuhkan Hukuman Keatas Anak Al-Qaradawi
Mahkamah Mesir pada Selasa telah menjatuhkan hukuman penjara kepada tiga orang, termasuk anak lelaki ulama Islam yang terkenal Yusuf al-Qaradawi, selama lima tahun kerana didakwa menyebarkan berita palsu, menurut sumber kehakiman tempatan.
Mahkamah berkata Abdul-Rahman al-Qaradawi dan dua lagi defendan didapati bersalah menyebarkan berita palsu yang memudaratkan keselamatan negara, kata sumber itu yang enggan dikenali kerana sekatan bercakap kepada media.
Mereka juga diarahkan membayar denda $ 30 setiap satu.
Keputusan semalam masih tertakluk kepada rayuan.
Anak Sheikh al-Qaradawi yang sebelum ini dikenakan hukuman penjara 3 tahun atas tuduhan yang sama, menyebarkan berita palsu.
Beliau juga dicari oleh pihak berkuasa untuk dibicarakan atas tuduhan menyinggung badan kehakiman, di mana bekas Presiden Mohamed Morsi dan 23 yang lain sedang dibicarakan.
Pihak berkuasa Mesir telah melancarkan tindakan keras ke atas penyokong Morsi dan kumpulan Muslim Brotherhood berikutan rampasan kuasa 2013, membunuh beratus-ratus dan menghantar beribu-ribu di penjara.
Sumber BO - 2-3-2017
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Sisi Regime Punishes Jailed Muslim Brotherhood Spokesman Gehad El-Haddad After NYT Article
Dr Mona Imam said her son Gehad El-Haddad, jailed spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, was thrown into a “disciplinary cell” in harsh junta Aqrab Prison after an article he wrote secretly was published by the New York Times. Dr Mona Imam held the prison administration, the prison service and the Interior Ministry fully responsible for the deterioration of her son’s health, demanding her right to visit him in detention.
Dr Mona Imam said in a statement she posted on Facebook: “My son Gehad El-Haddad has been languishing in a disciplinary cell in the Aqrab ‘cemetery’ since authorities saw his name in an article published by a US newspaper… Disciplinary cells are known to all detainees of the dreaded Aqrab Prison. They are dark graves without toilets, windows or lights. With walls painted black, and the room is without electricity, a detainee lives in pitch-black darkness 24 hours a day. He never leaves the confines of his very tiny discipline cell for any reason at all. Thus they force him to stay in the dark for days or weeks until they destroy him physically and psychologically!
“These graves have only two buckets: one for throwing food in (for the detainee), and the other to be used instead of the missing toilet. These grave-like cells are smaller than ‘isolation’ cells, a detainee cannot lie down in them to sleep; he must sleep sitting up!”
Mona continued: “In these cells, everything is banned. The little prison canteen (where detainees may shop) is forbidden for those thrown in these ‘disciplinary’ cells. Those unfortunate inmates have nothing to eat but whatever little horrid food they are issued: at best, only half a loaf of simple Egyptian bread a day (hardly enough for a little child). They may well be deprived completely of any food for days, depending on the mood of the prison administration… Even prescription drugs are prohibited, as well as bed covers and blankets.
“Aqrab Prison is the farthest and most extremely harsh at the Tora Prison Complex. Surrounded by wide barren spaces separating it from the remote prison walls, in this bitter cold of the winter,
especially at night, a detainee cannot sleep because of the intensity of the cold, especially since all Aqrab detainees are not allowed to wear except tattered flimsy prison clothes. They are not allowed to receive or wear any winter clothes.”
She also pointed that: “This tomb does not even have a bar of soap, nor a toilet of any kind! A detainee is not given any water for days on end, at the whim of the prison administration. Visits are also banned for detainees in discipline cells. Those detainees also suffer all forms of torture and beatings, as well as insults and extremely humiliating treatment.
“Some detainees from every cell in Aqrab Prison suffered stays at those ‘discipline’ dungeons, and so everyone knows the extremely bad treatment and extremely squalid conditions there. Many rights organizations have documented multiple reports about these solitary punishment cells and the brutal atrocities detainees suffer there.
“My son Gehad has been languishing in one of these dark cells for a few days already. He suffers severe anemia that reached serious stages, as well as general weakness. I do not know how he will endure all this after three and a half years in solitary confinement at the Aqrab ‘cemetery’. The last visit – when he saw his children – was five whole months ago. The prison administration refuses to give the reasons for banning his visits for incredibly long periods… May God exact prompt retribution from every single one of those responsible for atrocities.”
On Wednesday – February 22 (2017), the New York Times published a letter by Gehad El-Haddad leaked from the heavily guarded notorious security jail Tora Prison. He was the official spokesman of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. The letter had the title: “I Am a Member of the Muslim Brotherhood, Not a Terrorist”. (Ikhwanweb)
Sumber BO - 2-3-2017
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I Am A Member Of The Muslim Brotherhood, Not a Terrorist
We are not terrorists. The Muslim Brotherhood’s philosophy is inspired by an understanding of Islam that emphasizes the values of social justice, equality and the rule of law. Since its inception in 1928, the Brotherhood has lived in two modes: surviving in hostile political environments or uplifting society’s most marginalized. As such, we have been written about, spoken of, but rarely heard from. It is in that spirit that I hope these words find light.
We are a morally conservative, socially aware grass-roots movement that has dedicated its resources to public service for the past nine decades. Our idea is very simple: We believe that faith must translate into action. That the test of faith is the good you want to do in the lives of others, and that people working together is the only way to develop a nation, meet the aspirations of its youth and engage the world constructively. We believe that our faith is inherently pluralistic and comprehensive and that no one has a divine mandate or the right to impose a single vision on society.
Since our inception, we have been engaged politically in the institutions of our country as well as socially to address the direct needs of people. Despite being the most persecuted group under former President Hosni Mubarak’s rule in Egypt, our involvement in the Parliament, either in coalitions with other political groups or as independents, is a testament to our commitment to legal change and reform.
We spoke truth to power in an environment full of rubber-stamp parties. We worked with independent pro-democracy organizations against plans to hand the presidency to Mr. Mubarak’s son. We also worked closely with an array of professional syndicates and labor unions. During the one year of Egypt’s nascent democracy, we were dedicated to reforming state institutions to harbor further democratic rule.
We were unaware of the amount of pushback we would receive from hard-liners in these institutions. We were ill-equipped to handle the level of corruption within the state. We pursued reforms through government, ignoring public protest in the streets. We were wrong. By now I am sure many books have been written about what we got wrong, but any fair analysis of the facts will show that we are fundamentally opposed to the use of force.
Our flaws are many, but violence is not one. Nothing speaks more to our unequivocal commitment to nonviolence than our continued insistence on peaceful resistance, despite unprecedented state violence.
Over the last four years, Gen. Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has taken power, clamped down on the opposition and presided over a campaign of brutal repression. State authorities are responsible for extrajudicial killings, disappearances of hundreds of civilians and the detention of tens of thousands of political prisoners. This continued escalation in repressive measures has been described by independent human rights organizations as constituting crimes against humanity. Despite all of that, we hold on to our belief that political disagreements should be settled with deliberation, not fear-mongering and terror. We remain committed to our ideals of community development, social justice and nonviolence.
We have long heard that violent groups were “spawned” by the Muslim Brotherhood or were our “offshoots.” This is wildly misleading. In the cases where people did leave the Muslim Brotherhood to embrace violence, they did so specifically because they found no path in our philosophy, vision of society or movement for such extremism.
A great many of these extremists — if not all — consider us apostates and politically naïve. This is not an issue as simple as distaste for our political naïveté, but is in fact recognition that our philosophy renders their extremist ideology irrelevant. Not only is our movement based on a deep conviction that morally upright societies prosper, but its peaceful reformist approach has also guaranteed its longevity, as history has demonstrated. Our movement has outlived intolerant societies, repressive regimes, violent rebel groups and the rapid drive to a clash of civilizations by extremists the world over. To attribute terrorism to us is akin to attributing the violence of Timothy McVeigh, who set off a deadly bomb in Oklahoma City in 1995, to patriotism, or white supremacist ideologies to Christian teachings.
The Muslim Brotherhood has devoted the larger part of its involvement in public life to providing social service programs in poor neighborhoods, including free clinics, food banks and academic and logistic support to poor college students. We fill a void created by corruption, absence of state provision and lack of an adequate civil society.
In hindsight, I regret that political maneuvering created distance between us and the people we have long lived to serve, a hard-learned lesson from the Arab Spring. We recognize our political mishaps, but the leap from public deliberation to detentions and fallacious designations is preposterous, shortsighted and an alarming precedent.
Sumber BO - 25-2-2017
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Defining The Muslim Brotherhood
Most calls to designate the Muslim Brotherhood are vague and indeterminate in their definitions, likely by design, as the ambiguity affords officials the flexibility to take action against any organisation, entity, or individual deemed to fit the label.
A loose enough definition would allow for the inclusion of the Justice and Development Party that won last year’s parliamentary elections in Morocco, or the Muslim Students Association that has chapters across hundreds of US colleges and universities.
To assess it more accurately, one must distinguish between the Muslim Brotherhood as an organisation, complete with bylaws, a rigid hierarchal structure, and strict membership requirements, and as a movement in society whose ideas have evolved and changed over time.
Founded in 1928 by a schoolteacher in the port town of Ismailia, the Society of the Muslim Brothers sought to shape the emerging political order following Egypt’s nominal independence from Britain.
Hasan al-Banna organised his movement around the basic principle that Islamic values should not be sacrificed during the process of modernisation. He called upon his fellow Egyptians to lead a more virtuous life but believed it was up to the ruler to enforce Islamic law.
Al-Banna directed his critiques toward the three institutions that governed the country during Egypt’s so-called “liberal experiment”, the Wafd Party-led parliament, the monarchy, and the British colonial authorities.
Fearing the breakdown of traditional religious institutions and systems of education, al-Banna developed a robust curriculum of Islamic instruction and organised his followers into study groups that formed the basis of the organisation’s membership. Members elected local leaders who made up a body of representatives that set the organisation’s agenda and executed the directives of the secretariat, led by the charismatic al-Banna, who became the group’s first general guide.
The 1930s witnessed the rise of global economic scarcity, social upheaval, and political turmoil, which spurred the rise of competing ideologies, from communism and fascism to liberalism and, in the case of the Muslim world, Islamism.
Al-Banna believed that the rich legacy of Islamic civilisation carried with it the necessary principles for overcoming the recent challenges of colonial rule, economic exploitation, national divisions, and political weakness.
He developed an organisational model that aimed to orient Egyptians toward fulfilling the tenets of their faith. Al-Banna envisioned the Muslim Brotherhood as an all-encompassing organisation, which he defined as “a Salafiyya message, a Sunni way, a Sufi truth, a political organisation, an athletic group, a cultural-educational union, an economic company and a social idea”.
By the late 1940s, the Muslim Brotherhood had more than a million members in Egypt, while establishing local branches in several neighbouring countries. But following World War II, Egyptian politics descended into a chaotic battle of competing forces aiming to displace British rule with their own vision for the future.
Like the liberals, communists, and fascists, the Muslim Brotherhood entered the fray through political contestation, social outreach, propaganda wars, and even violent street battles and assassinations.
Veterans of the volunteer corps that participated in the 1948 war in Palestine formed the basis of a “secret apparatus” of Muslim Brotherhood members who prepared for the possibility of military confrontation with other parties.
State security forces assassinated al-Banna in 1949, following the killing of a prominent Wafdist politician for which the Muslim Brotherhood’s secret apparatus was held responsible.
When a group of nationalist army officers overthrew the king and seized power in 1952, it was as much a move against Egypt’s disparate political factions as it was against a corrupt monarchy and exploitative foreign rule.
All independent political activity ceased after the rise of the military regime of the Free Officers. Although the Muslim Brotherhood initially welcomed the military’s intervention, and even attempted to partner with the regime of Gamal Abdel Nasser, it soon found itself the chief enemy of the state.
It is at this point, following the repression of the 1950s and 1960s, that one can begin to make the distinction between the Muslim Brotherhood organisation and the broader movement inspired by its school of thought.
A consequence of Nasser’s crackdown against the Muslim Brotherhood was the decimation of the group’s organisational structure. Its leaders were killed, imprisoned, or went into exile, while most low-level members attempted to blend back into society, denying any affiliation with the group.
But while the organisation was banned, its ideas remained. Following the failure of the Nasserist project, especially in the aftermath of Egypt’s defeat at the hands of Israel in the June 1967 War, many disillusioned Egyptians once again took up the Muslim Brotherhood’s call for a state built on Islamic values.
But al-Banna’s original mission, which arose at a drastically different era in Egypt’s modern history, seemed inapplicable in the current moment of military rule and radical Arab nationalism.
In the absence of an obvious leader, various intellectual currents developed within the movement, led most prominently by Sayyid Qutb, the liberal literary critic turned Muslim Brotherhood ideologue.
Borne out of Nasser’s torture chambers was a radical new approach to the question of how to achieve the Muslim Brotherhood’s aims. In his writings, Qutb shunned al-Banna’s gradualist mission in favour of a more confrontational approach with a regime he deemed to be illegitimate.
In theological terms, Qutb declared that Nasser’s secular dictatorship had restored the pre-Islamic “age of ignorance” or Jahiliyyah, requiring a far different tactic from the public preaching and political participation that al-Banna pursued.
Qutb’s teachings found resonance among a small contingent of bright-eyed activists who were too young to have ever been members of the Muslim Brotherhood or recall its past prominence.
When they interpreted Qutb’s writings to sanction militant confrontation with the regime, Hasan al-Hudaybi, the Muslim Brotherhood’s imprisoned leader, put forward a rebuttal that renounced calls for violence and reaffirmed Banna’s reformist message.
For his trouble, Qutb was executed by Nasser in 1966.
Upon succeeding Nasser, Anwar al-Sadat sought to legitimise his rule in part by liberalising Egypt’s economy and reintegrating political prisoners back into Egyptian society. I have written extensively on the reconstitution of the Muslim Brotherhood during the 1970s, a period distinguished by three important features.
First, because the Muslim Brotherhood remained outlawed under Sadat, attempts to reorganise occurred largely underground.
Even as they recruited tens of thousands of young student activists to join the ranks of the revived organisation, the few remaining elders believed in the importance of secrecy to avoid another confrontation with the state, at one point even demanding that new Muslim Brotherhood members swear allegiance to a general guide whose identity remained hidden.
Secondly, in this period it became clear that the Muslim Brotherhood organisation no longer held a monopoly on the ideology of its own movement.
The marketplace of ideas became far more crowded with religious currents that borrowed aspects of the Muslim Brotherhood’s traditional school of thought that they either incorporated into other intellectual influences or adapted to meet present needs.
These included the Salafi movement, led in part by former Muslim Brotherhood figures that had recently returned from exile in the Gulf. It also included underground jihadist groups that rejected the Muslim Brotherhood’s commitment to non-violent change.
Years before he emerged as Osama bin Laden’s deputy in al-Qaeda, Ayman al-Zawahiri authored a scathing critique of the Muslim Brotherhood.
A third feature of this era was the fractionalisation of the Muslim Brotherhood along national lines. As a result of the Nasser era crackdown, local branches of the Muslim Brotherhood went their separate ways and, by the time the organisation was revived in Egypt during the late 1970s, few of those branches were interested in rejoining the mother movement.
Muslim Brotherhood chapters in Sudan, Syria, Palestine, Jordan, and elsewhere became far more entrenched in their national contexts and received little guidance or support from their Egyptian comrades. Some chapters abandoned the name altogether, such as the Islamic Charter Front (later the National Islamic Front) led by Hassan al-Turabi in Sudan.
Others maintained only tangential links to the Muslim Brotherhood but relied on its organisational model and its school of thought in the indoctrination of its members, as with the Movement of Islamic Tendency, the forerunner to the Ennahda Party in Tunisia.
Some Arab immigrants to Europe and North America maintained intellectual ties to the Muslim Brotherhood and established institutions in keeping with the needs of the growing community in their adopted homeland, from mosques and student associations to charitable and civic organisations.
Whatever structural links existed during the early period faded over time with the community’s assimilation into their broader societies.
Attempts to establish an international Muslim Brotherhood organisation were largely unsuccessful beyond offering an occasional forum for the exchange of views and the sharing of experiences.
Indeed, from the 1980s onward, the various Muslim Brotherhood organisations throughout the Arab world charted their own paths irrespective of one another.
The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood entered into a violent confrontation with the Assad regime in 1982 that resulted in the movement’s brutal suppression and exile. Strangely enough, some Syrian Muslim Brotherhood leaders found refuge in Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, even as the dictator was targeting the Iraqi Muslim Brotherhood for elimination.
In the wake of the first Intifada in 1987, the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood underwent considerable internal reorganisation, adopted armed resistance as a path to ending the occupation, and with it a new name, the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas).
In Kuwait, the Muslim Brotherhood endorsed the US-led coalition to expel the Iraqi occupation in 1991, even as other Muslim Brotherhood branches condemned American intervention in the region.
In Sudan, Turabi allied his movement with the 1989 coup led by Omar al-Bashir and enjoyed an extended if turbulent partnership with the military regime.
In Jordan and Morocco, movement leaders sought accommodation with their respective monarchies, in part by adopting a far more limited agenda that sought to reform the existing political system, not replace it entirely.
Meanwhile, in Egypt the Muslim Brotherhood’s younger leaders focused on re-engaging with the broader society, developing an extensive network of charitable and educational institutions, assuming the leadership of professional syndicates, and grooming its members to run for parliamentary seats during Hosni Mubarak’s limited political opening.
Old-guard leaders continued to stress internal discipline and organisational uniformity in the face of renewed waves of state repression.
In the years preceding the 2011 uprising that brought down Mubarak, the Muslim Brotherhood enjoyed a period of relative peaceful co-existence with the state, culminating in its successful participation in the 2005 parliamentary elections, presumably in exchange for its acquiescence to the regime’s plans to pass the presidency on from the ageing Mubarak to his son, Gamal.
Despite these divergent priorities and approaches, there is one thing that binds the various Muslim Brotherhoods, whether before, during, or after the Arab Spring.
It is not a revolutionary movement nor has it displayed any inclinations toward pursuing radical change.
In a sharp contrast to the armed groups currently operating in Iraq, Syria and elsewhere, over the course of the past half-century the Muslim Brotherhood deeply internalised its belief in working within the existing political and socioeconomic structures, at times to its own detriment.
That commitment resulted in the failure of Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated parties to deliver on the promises of the Arab revolutions and ultimately resulted in their marginalisation at the hands of a system in which they have invested so much of their intellectual and organisational capacities.
The recent decision on the part of the Tunisian Ennahda party to sever its political party from its religious proselytisation and provision of social services represents an awareness of the challenges of maintaining ideological purity while in the trenches of political contestation.
Other Muslim Brotherhood parties are under pressure to follow suit if they are to survive the existential threat that seeks to eradicate their presence not only as a political actor, but as an intellectual current within their societies.
So how does all of this affect the Trump administration’s plans to designate the Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist organisation?
As earlier attempts by the region’s despots to ban it have proven, the organisation’s absence from society removes a crucial outlet for religious-based activism, one that expresses itself through existing political and social institutions.
After the 2013 military coup that brought Abdel Fattah al-Sisi to power in Egypt, the massive crackdown on the organisation and the subsequent rise of militant opposition have shown that the Muslim Brotherhood has played a moderating role on Islamic activism.
Attempts to further marginalise the Muslim Brotherhood will not only embolden militant currents within the broader Islamic movement, but it will also diminish the prospects for the emergence of representative rule.
Tired debates about the compatibility of Islam and democracy will swing in favour of those on the fringes who argue that the Arab world deserves neither, preferring the perceived “stability” that only secular authoritarians can provide.
Even when examined from the narrow perspective of US interests, the designation would severely inhibit American diplomatic initiatives in a region where political parties with roots in the Muslim Brotherhood participate regularly in governments from Morocco to Yemen.
By outlawing it, the US government would be banning a crucial ally in its occupation of Iraq. The Iraqi Islamic Party helped to stabilise an interim government beset with violent opposition from all sides.
Similarly, two US allies in the Kuwaiti and Bahraini monarchies rely on the backing of Muslim Brotherhood parties in their efforts to neutralise the Shia opposition in their countries.
The designation is also likely to cut off access to vital information by inhibiting engagement between Western scholars, journalists, international observers and human rights workers and civil society organisations throughout the Arab world.
Trump’s one-size-fits-all approach to confronting the problem of political Islam is sure to erode the concerted efforts by researchers and policymakers alike to become better informed about the role that these movements play in shaping their societies.
Indeed, creating a virtual black hole of information would be a fitting result for a policy initiative that already reflects a total failure to understand the historical complexities of the Muslim Brotherhood’s emergence and evolution.
Follow Abdullah Al-Arian @anhistorian
Sumber BO - 4-2-2017
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Ikhwanul Muslimin jadi topik debat pejabat Trump
http://www.harakahdaily.net.my/index.php/berita-utama/44073-ikhwanul-muslimin-jadi-topik-debat-pejabat-trump
Pertubuhan Ikhwanul Muslimin menjadi bahan perdebatan hangat sejumlah pejabat pasukan pemerintahan Donald Trump. Salah seorang antaranya adalah Michael Flynn, penasihat keselamatan kebangsaan AS, yang mahukan organisasi yang berasal dari Mesir itu dimasukkan dalam senarai pengganas.
Puak Michael Flynn ingin Trump memasukkan Ikhwanul Muslimin dalam senarai pengganas di Kementerian Luar Negeri dan Ministry of the Treasury Amerika Syarikat, serta hukuman yang diterapkan terhadap organisasi itu.
Sumber penasihat Trump yang minta dirahsiakan identitinya berkata, "saya tahu bahawa ini akan diperdebatkan, saya menyokong itu".
Walaupun telah menjadi perdebatan hangat, sumber mengatakan bahawa Michael Flynn dan kumpulannya belum jelas bila akan memasukkan Ikhwanul Muslimin dalam senarai pengganas, atau apakah dasar ini benar-benar akan dilakukan atau tidak.
Sementara itu pada sisi lain, pasukan penasihat Trump lain yang terdiri daripada veteran keselamatan nasional, pegawai diplomat, dan pegawai dari agensi-agensi penguatkuasaan undang-undang dan perisikan bimbang tindakan mengklasifikasikan Ikhwanul Muslimin dalam organisasi pengganas dapat memberi akibat buruk kepada hubungan AS dengan Turki, sekutu rapat Washington dalam perang melawan organisasi Negara Islam (IS). (Eramuslim)
Sumber HD - 28-1-2017
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The Tragedy Of Egypt’s Stolen Revolution
Six year after its democratic revolution in January 25, 2011, Egypt’s political realities are back to square one. Once again, a military officer has been installed in the presidential palace after an election that lacked any measure of democratic competition.
Images of citizens waiting in long queues to cast their votes in parliamentary and presidential elections in 2011 and 2012 have been replaced with ugly scenes of police units rounding up young Egyptians after attempted peaceful demonstrations and with confirmed reports of torture in places of custody and forced disappearances.
Although this authoritarianism is not the country’s first contemporary encounter with undemocratic rule, the fact that it has emerged after a brief democratic opening and a period of citizens’ activism has meant that the ruling military junta, in their quest for power, has resorted to unprecedented aggressions on human rights and freedoms and on the fragile social fabric. As a result, the state apparatus has lost all the checks and balances between an overly dominant military-security complex and its weakened civilian components.
To this end, Egypt’s new authoritarianism has used various tactics and tools, ranging from outright repression to undemocratic law-making and judicial manipulation.
Soon after the 2013 military coup, daily bouts of violence and human rights abuses sponsored by the state had begun to shake Egyptian society and challenge the generals’ claim that their rule was to save the most populous Middle Eastern country from the outbreak of civil strife.
Repression has been the major structuring reality of Egypt since 2013.
But it is not the only tool the new authoritarianism is using.
According to various human rights organisations, the number of those imprisoned between 2013 and 2017 has reached approximately 60,000. To accommodate them, the Egyptian authorities have begun building 10 additional prisons.
Reports of forced disappearances documented by local and international human rights organisations put the rate of disappearance at an average of three to four cases a day. There were mass killings when army and security forces disbanded the sit-ins organised by the Muslim Brotherhood supporters in al-Nahda and Rabaa on August 14, 2013.
Local human rights organisations reported 326 cases of extra judicial killings in 2015, a number which rose to 754 cases in the first half of 2016 alone. In August 2016, the Egyptian Coordination of Rights and Freedoms released a report on prison conditions in Egypt, documenting 1,344 incidents of torture – including direct torture and intentional medical neglect – in detention facilities and prisons between 2015 and 2016.
Several international human rights organisations have confirmed the same shocking findings.
Repression has allowed the ruling junta to induce fear among citizens, to subdue civil society dissent and to eliminate competitive politics.
The eventual goal is to abrogate the freedom of expression and association.
A few years into Egypt’s new authoritarianism, citizens have been herded away from the public space that has been shrinking thanks to government’s crackdown on independent civil society organisations and opposition political parties.
Meanwhile, Egypt’s ruling elite has failed to deliver on the promises made as they stalled the democratic opening and asserted control over state and society.
President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the army chief during the 2013 coup, initially portrayed his ascendency to power as the only way to end the threat of terrorism blamed on the ousted President Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood.
Backed by the military establishment, Sisi presented himself as the ultimate guarantor of restoring stability and improving the living conditions of the majority. It was within this context that wide segments of the population, especially those opposed to the democratic opening, supported the coup and saw in Sisi a saviour in uniform.
Although the generals have continued to repeat these promises over the past years, the situation on the ground has deteriorated drastically. The threat of terrorism, predominantly in Sinai – and to a lesser extent on the mainland – has not diminished.
The continuation of terrorist attacks since 2013, as well as the involvement of the military and security forces in indiscriminate killings and other human rights abuses in Sinai, are forcing many Egyptians to question whether the government’s “war of terror” is being pursued efficiently.
The implementation of forced evacuation policies targeting some local communities in Sinai, along with dramatically deteriorated living conditions, have created an environment informed by grievances and radicalisation.
On the other hand, the country’s economic and social conditions have worsened. The government has been pursuing a reform programme endorsed by the International Monetary Fund. It is designed to address structural issues such as the huge budget deficit, official overspending, state subsidies and currency floatation.
However, this long-term programme is not expected to improve the economic conditions in the near future, nor lessen the social suffering resulting from high poverty rates [27.8 percent] and unemployment rate [12.6 percent] in 2016.
Indeed, the IMF-approved programme has hit the poor and needy segments of the population, as well as the middle classes, hard as inflation rates have soared – reaching 25 percent in December 2016 and January 2017. The currency has been massively devaluated, losing close to 50 percent of its previous value.
Adding to this economic malaise, the financial support which Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait have extended to the government since the 2013 coup, has been declining since 2015.
Due to such instability in the security and political situation, western investment has not significantly increased.
Many of the government’s economic, social, and developmental policies have proved unsuccessful as well. These policies include investing public resources in funding mega building projects with uncertain returns and without any public scrutiny or oversight.
Also problematic is the fact that projects such as the Second Suez Channel and the New Administrative Capital are managed directly by the economic arm of the military establishment, which is not subjected to effective transparency and accountability measures originating from other official institutions or from civil society.
Only a few programmes implemented to help the poor – most notably the cash payment programme named Takaful wa Karama – Solidarity and Dignity – which the Ministry of Social Solidarity oversees, have been rated successful by independent sources.
Therefore, it has depended on a web of alternative narratives to justify its repression through security-controlled media institutions, which include conspiracy theories, defamation campaigns and hate speech against voices of dissent.
Since 2013, the list of public enemies and conspirators has been expanding in the discourse of the security-controlled public and private media outlets. Besides the Muslim Brotherhood and oppositional Salafi movements that were classified as “enemies of the nation” from the outset of the coup, the list also includes human rights activists and pro-democracy civil society leaders who have condemned the government’s repression and refused to remain silent in face of terrifying abuses.
The list has come to include groups of young Egyptians, students, industrial workers and civil servants whose peaceful activism has not diminished despite police brutality and other repressive measures.
These groups, labelled by Sisi as “people of evil”, have been implicated by the government in alleged plots and conspiracies to undermine the nation’s stability, to impose chaos and to fragment the state and the army.
Against a background of growing economic and social crises, rising political tensions and failed policies, the use of both religious and nationalistic populism has become key strategies utilised by the new authoritarianism to maintain its control over Egypt.
Religious populism elevates the ruler to the level of a moral paragon, who has the right to speak in the name of religion. Nationalistic populism, on the other hand, is used to justify the generals’ monopoly on power.
The government’s readiness to utilise conspiracy theories, defamation, hate speech and populism to justify repression, has made it easier for the military establishment to systematically violate citizens’ rights and to disregard the principles of the rule of law without fearing accountability.
It has also enabled the government to widen the scale of repression aimed at silencing the few voices of dissent that have emerged in the public space since the 2013 coup, and at constricting the pro-democracy mobilisation of students, youth, workers and civil servants.
Within the apparatus of the Egyptian state, it has also led to the predominance of the military establishment and the security and intelligence services, that is to the predominance of those institutions that have the power to unleash the use of excessive force on citizens and society.
This has greatly diminished any potential for civilian politics or for the balancing civil-military relations in post-2013 coup Egypt.
Finally, unlike the unfounded accusations levelled against human rights activists and pro-democracy groups that they have been out to impose chaos in Egypt since 2011, it is the new authoritarianism that, due to continuous abuses and violations, undermines stability and security.
Source: Al Jazeera
Sumber BO - 26-1-2017
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Jailed Leader Akef Suffers Slow death; Coup Regime Bears Full Responsibility
Akef was arrested, along with tens of thousands of patriotic revolutionaries, without crime or guilt, by coup forces who threw him in solitary confinement, hoping to break his will and the will of the steadfast behind bars. But the man, already in his nineties, suffers patiently, never compromising, not even with a word in support of the treasonous military coup.
The yards of schools and universities remember him as one of the most patriotic national resistance movement leaders. The Suez Canal and its cities bear witness to his wise leadership of the fight to liberate Egypt from occupiers. However, traitorous regimes – from Ibrahim Abdel-Hadi (in the corrupt Royal era), through Abdel-Nasser and Mubarak, and ending with treasonous general Sisi, vengefully punished him time after time to appease their masters in colonial powers. He almost died under severe torture in Abdel-Nasser’s prisons. Today, he is fighting for his life alone, succumbing slowly to serious illness, without giving in to the traitorous putschists.
The march of Mohamed Mahdi Akef and the Muslim Brotherhood’s fight for freedom of the people and the homeland will remain engraved in history – the pride of patriotism for generations to come, in spite of all the evil tyrants and despots.
We hold the coup regime responsible for Akef’s health and well-being, and urge all individuals, institutions and organizations of good conscience around the world to take action to secure an immediate release of Mohamed Akef, out of respect for the human rights they persistently preach.
Dr Talaat Fahmi
Muslim Brotherhood Media Spokesman
Sumber BO - 30-12-2016
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Egypt’s Anti Protest Law: Legalising Authoritarianism
Since the summer of 2013, following the military coup led by President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the ruling regime in Egypt has managed to handcuff the public space, surround it with restrictions.
This has been in a stark contrast to the period before the coup when Egyptians, during the popular uprising that took place on January, 25, 2011, were encouraged to engage actively in managing the country’s affairs through peaceful means and ballot boxes. This period benefited both civil society organisations and political parties.
Egypt now finds itself ruled by a military, security and intelligence junta.
Egypt’s generals have constantly employed repressive tools to instill fear among the population in order to stifle free expression and peaceful opposition.
The military clique’s goal here is to evacuate citizens from the public space, to eliminate the autonomy of civil society organisations and to marginalise political parties that are not controlled by the security and intelligence services.
They have also continued to adapt different legislative and legal measures to crack down on opposition and isolate voices of dissent.
In this context, one specific law issued on November 24, 2013 by the interim President Adly Mansor is worth special attention. Making use of his temporary legislative competence, Mansor issued a law “organising the right to public meetings, processions and peaceful demonstrations”.
This dreaded law, known locally as the “protest law”, should be scrutinised because it provides the basic justification to usurp the freedom of a large number of Egyptian youths, students, workers, Muslim Brotherhood members as well as others.
It has also created a citizen diaspora, turning Egyptians into a chased community pushed outside of the public space and pursued by criminal state institutions that have tirelessly violated human rights and civil liberties.
The anti-protest law recognises in its eighth article the citizens’ right to “organise a meeting, or conduct a procession or protest”, but requires a notification written three days at minimum and 15 days at maximum in advance. This written notification should be directed to the police station located within the area of the activity in question.
Yet in its10th article it effectively eliminates the citizens’ rights of peaceful assembly and demonstration.
Article 10 gives the security services absolute power to cancel or postpone the demonstration, change the location, and modify the activity path based on “serious information or evidence” regarding the existence of threats against security and peace which the security services themselves provide.
This formulation is of a clear despotic nature as it makes the security services both the opponent and the judge, as well as unbinding their hands to abuses without any supervision, control or objective evaluation framework.
The security services’ authority is only partially checked by allowing citizens to contest prevention and delaying decisions in front of the Urgent Matters Courts, which rarely rule against the security services.
In its 14th article, the law unleashes the authority of the security services, represented by the Minister of Interior, to coordinate with the governors, as local representatives of the president, to identify “secure spaces” before public institutions of all types – military, civilian, administrative and service – into which citizens are not allowed to go.
As a result of this stipulation, the security services have expanded their use of the term “secure spaces” to practically prevent citizens’ peaceful demonstrations.
The law then provides a range of financial penalties and prison sentences for those who violate its rulings. Violations are defined, on the one hand, in relation to the involvement of citizens in the disturbance of public safety and public order, or in the blockage of roads and means of transportation or in the attack on lives and public and private property.
On the other side, the law uses ill-defined terms to cast a wide web to prevent citizens from peaceful demonstration by criminalising their involvement in disrupting production sites, in obstructing the people, in preventing them from the exercise of their rights and businesses, or in preventing public institutions from fulfilling their mandate.
This second set of stipulated prohibitions de facto cancels freedom of assembly which is enshrined in the Egyptian Constitution of 2014 and in the international human rights conventions that successive Egyptian governments have ratified.
The anti-protest law then moves to end the provisions of fear and arbitrariness by granting the security services the authority to use batons and rubber – and non-rubber- bullets to disperse meetings, rallies and demonstrations that they themselves deem as violent. Here, too, the security services become the final arbiter with unchecked authorities.
The law does not include an adequate definition of what constitutes an act of violence in demonstrations, nor does it clearly specify what constitutes acts of violence. By legalising “dispersion by force”, however, it unleashes police brutality towards citizens.
On the third anniversary of the January Revolution, on January, 25, 2014, 49 citizens were killed in demonstrations. Eighteen demonstrators were killed on the fourth anniversary of the revolution in 2015 – among those was Shaimaa al-Sabbagh who was shot by a police officer during a peaceful silent march.
Between 2013 and 2016, hundreds of Egyptians were arrested and taken to police custody following their participation, or attempted participation, in peaceful demonstrations.
Another example of authoritarian lawmaking in Egypt is the amendment of Article 78 of the Penal Code. On September, 21, 2014, the current president, using the interim legislative prerogatives which continued since his nomination in June 2014 to the election and convening of the legislature, the House of Representatives, at the beginning of 2016, amended Article 78 of the Penal Code.
This amendment practically criminalises the public and peaceful activity of nongovernmental organisations that Egypt’s military junta has classified as enemies and conspirators.
The amended Article 78 voids the legal right of NGOs to receive foreign funding through legal channels, while upholding the provisions of transparency and accountability. It also disrupts their ability to cooperate with international NGOs.
Article 78 has a uniquely vague phrasing, amounting to criminalising matters and actions that are not well defined and to holding citizens and organisations responsible for intentions and promises.
The first paragraph reads as follows:
“She/he who requests for her/himself or for other, or who accepted or took, even though a medium, from a foreign country, or from those who are working for its benefit, or from a natural person or an entity, or from a local or foreign organisation, or any other organisation that is not affiliated with a foreign country and does not work in its favour, liquid or transferred money or hardware/machinery, or equipment or weapons or ammunition or the like or other things; or promised something of these matters, to intentionally commit any act that harms the national interest or jeopardises the independence of the country or its unity or the safety and security of its lands or to commit any acts of hostility against Egypt or to breach public peace and order- is penalised with life imprisonment and a fine of not less than five hundred thousand pounds and not more than what she/he was given or promised.”
If it is normal to criminalise the receipt of funds, machinery, equipment, weapons or ammunition, from a natural person or an entity for the purpose of jeopardising the independence of the country or carrying out hostile acts. it falls outside the normal scope of the law for criminality to be based on vague formulations such as “committing an act that could harm the nation’s interest,” or “breaching public peace and order”.
It is also out of the normal scope of the law for the amended article 78 to lack every objective and substantive definition for the things that one should not receive by involving formulations such as “or other things” in the text after pointing to receiving funds, weapons and ammunition and the like.
Moreover, the amended article 78 includes additional vague phrases that cast the web of criminalising public and peaceful activities of NGOs even wider.
Article 78 of the Egyptian penalty code, in its amended version, is a clear enabler of the new authoritarianism. It allows the army generals to repress and penalise NGOs, especially those human rights organisations which have refused to turn a blind eye to the human rights violations that occurred between 2013 and 2016.
The clear-cut differences between acts of terrorism and violence, which are rightfully classified as hostile acts, and the legitimate documentation of injustices and violations that Egypt’s generals want to deny, are absent from the amended article.
The separating lines between criminal receipt of weapons and ammunition with the purpose of harming the country and its people, and, receiving computers and printers that are needed by human rights organisations to manage their activities are also absent.
The eradication of autonomous NGOs is the true objective of the new authoritarianism, and it complements the objective of evacuating citizens from the public space which is enshrined in the demonstration law.
Sumber BO - 24-11-2016
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Hukuman Mati Tuduhan Mengintip Morsi Ditukar Kepada ‘Seumur Hidup’
Morsi digulingkan oleh ‘kudeta’ tentera diketuai Presiden sekarang Abdul Fattah al-Sisi pada Julai 2013 selepas berkhidmat hanya satu tahun saja dari tempoh sepatutnya, selama empat tahun.
Sejak itu, jamaah Ikhwanul Muslimin telah diharamkan dan tindakan keras pemerintah Mesir ke atas Ikhwan serta kumpulan-kumpulan lain, telah menyebabkan puluhan ribu tangkapan dan perbicaraan besar-besaran.
Peguam Morsi, Abdel Moneim Abdel Maqsoud berkata kepada agensi berita AFP hukuman terhadap beberapa pemimpim Ikhwan Muslimin, juga ‘diterbalikkan’.
Peguam Morsi, Abdel Moneim Abdel Maqsoud
Beliau juga dituduh ‘berkongsi rahsia negara’ dengan kuasa-kuasa asing, termasuk Qatar.
Pembelaannya berhujah bahawa beliau hanya melibatkan semua entiti asing dalam had kuasa beliau sebagai ketua negara.
“Melihat kepada dakwaan itu, terdapat banyak kesilapan, percanggahan, dan percanggahan,”
“Perbicaraan sendiri gagal mengemukakan sebarang bukti untuk menyokong tuduhan itu.” kata Ghanem mengulas mengenai perbicaraan Morsi.
Perbicaraan Morsi dan ribuan tokoh Ikhwan serta pembangkang lain dan orang awam dalam tempoh tiga tahun yang lalu, telah dikritik ‘keras’ oleh kumpulan-kumpulan hak asasi, termasuk Human Rights Watch dan Amnesty International.
Morsi telah dijatuhkan beberapa hukuman, termasuk penjara seumur, penjara 20 tahun dan hukuman mati.
Beliau merayu terhadap semua perbicaraan itu, tetapi telah pun menjalani hukuman 20 tahun penjara yang, disahkan oleh Mahkamah Rayuan.
Sumber BO - 23-11-2016
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Egypt Junta Torture of Muslim Brotherhood Senior Leader Beltagy Continues
This came in an open letter from Dr Beltagy’s family on Friday (November 11). Dr Beltagy is held in severe squalid conditions in harsh high-security Aqrab Prison. The letter detailed the Muslim Brotherhood leader’s journey in Egyptian prisons, since he was arrested and brought to trial on false charges including “incitement to commit acts of violence”, which he denies.
Dr Beltagy’s family said he was thrown in a solitary confinement cell, which was basically a toilet, for two months. He was also held in a ‘disciplinary’ cell in Liman Tora Prison.
It added that he was transferred to Aqrab Prison on December 21, 2013 to be locked in a solitary-confinement ward, in a solid cell (with no windows at all), where he had no ventilation, nor electricity. This forced him to start a complete hunger-strike, demanding jail governors transfer him to a normal cell and treat him like other detainees.
“Attacks and atrocities against Dr Beltagy did not stop then. In August 6 (2016), two security officials tortured him naked and filmed him.
“The day following that torture session, while attending court hearings, Dr Beltagy mentioned details of the torture he suffered to the judge and court officials. As soon as he returned to his cell, an attempt at his life was executed. And once again, he mentioned details of this assassination attempt in (a different) court. Nevertheless, no-one moved a finger, an no investigation was ever started into these incidents.
“Abuses and violations against Dr Beltagy are particularly vindictive since he lodged a formal statement accusing general Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi and his junta of murdering his only daughter Asmaa.”
In August 14, 2013, Asmaa Beltagy was shot dead with a sniper’s bullet in Rabaa Square, east of Cairo, along with hundreds of others by coup army and police forces as these forces ferociously broke-up a peaceful sit-in by Egyptians who refused the coup and supporters of Dr Mohamed Morsi, the first democratically elected civilian president in Egypt.
In the violent break-up of the Rabaa sit-in 632 people were killed, including eight policemen, according to the coup government’s National Council for Human Rights. Meanwhile, international (and local) human rights organizations said a moderate estimate would put the death toll at more than one thousand protesters.
Dr Beltagy’s family mentioned that atrocities and violations against him included “senior security officials ordering and executing raids into his cell at night, with police dogs; cutting off electricity to his cell; and causing him physical injury by deliberately setting fire in his solitary-confinement cell while he slept at night”.
Dr Beltagy’s family further mentioned that prison authorities banned him from receiving any food, drink or medicines from visits. His visits are often banned for long months.
Dr Beltagy’s family’s fears for him double with the approaching cold winter: “The prison administration does not allow him winter clothing or blankets in the winter. In fact, the take away the only blanket he has, leaving him to sleep on the bare floor. They also prevent him from exercise. When they rarely do let him exercise, they keep him handcuffed.
“For many months, we do not know whether they (Aqrab Prison detainees) are alive or dead. Visits are banned, and he (Dr Beltagy) is not allowed to see his son Anas, who is also a detainee at the same jail for more than three years now. This is some of the atrocities Dr Beltagy is suffering in prison.”
The Muslim Brotherhood
Sumber BO - 19-11-2016
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Mahkamah Membatalkan Satu Hukuman Mati Morsi
Keputusan itu adalah kemenangan pertama untuk Morsi berusia 65 tahun, yang telah disabitkan dan dihukum dalam semua kes terhadap beliau sejak digulingkan oleh ketua tentera itu dan sekarang Presiden Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
Sejak tahun 2013 gerakan Ikhwanul Muslimin telah disenarai hitam dan dikenakan tindakan keras oleh pemerintah Mesir.
Ribuan ahli Ikhwan dan penyokong Morsi telah dipenjarakan dan dibunuh.
Morsi telah memakai pakaian seragam merah dikhaskan untuk banduan hukuman mati selepas dihukum pada Jun tahun lepas kerana dituduh memecah keluar dari penjara pada 2011.
“Dia akan menanggalkan pakaian seragam merah,” kata seorang peguamnya, Abdel Moneim Abdel Maqsud, kelmarin.
Presiden awam yang dipilih secara bebas buat kali pertama di Mesir, Morsi memerintah selepas kebangkitan rakyat pada 2011 yang menggulingkan presiden Hosni Mubarak.
Mahkamah Kasasi (rayuan dalam sistem Mesir) pada Selasa memerintahkan Morsi dibicarakan semula atas pertuduhan mengambil bahagian dalam memecah keluar penjara dan tuduhan keganasan lain terhadap anggota polis semasa pemberontakan 2011, kata seorang pegawai kehakiman.
Lima defendan, termasuk Mursyiul Am Ikhwan, Mohamed Badie, juga menerima hukuman mati dalam kes yang sama, akan turut dibicarakan semula juga.
Hampir 100 orang lain yang dibicarakan tanpa kehadiran tidak terjejas oleh keputusan rayuan.
“Ini keputusan awal ditandai dengan kelemahan kehakiman jadi kami menjangkakan keputusan ini daripada Mahkamah Kasasi,” kata Abdel Maqsud.
Bulan lepas, mahkamah rayuan yang sama mengekalkan hukuman penjara 20 tahun dijatuhkan katas Morsi pada bulan April dalam perbicaraan yang berasingan, atas tuduhan mengarahkan penggunaan kekerasan maut terhadap penunjuk perasaan pada tahun beliau berkuasa.
Morsi juga telah dihukum penjara seumur hidup pada dua perbicaraan lain, dan kedua-duanya telah dirayu oleh pasukan peguamnya.
Mahkamah Kasasi juga dijangka mengeluarkan keputusan pada Selasa minggu depan dalam rayuan terhadap hukuman penjara seumur hidup kekatas Morsi atas tuduhan mengintip untuk Iran, Lubnan kumpulan militan Hizbullah dan gerakan Palestin Hamas.
Dan mahkamah yang sama akan mendengar rayuan beliau dari November 27, terhadap hukuman yang sama dalam satu lagi kes di mana dia didapati bersalah mencuri dokumen yang berkaitan dengan keselamatan negara dan menyerahkan mereka ke Qatar, seorang penyokong lamanya Ikhwan.
Morsi sedang diadakan di penjara Borg el-Arab berhampiran bandar utara Iskandariah.
Beratus-ratus penyokong beliau telah dihukum mati dalam perbicaraan semerta massa yang telah dikutuk oleh Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu dan kumpulan hak asasi manusia.
Sumber BO - 16-11-2016
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Anti-Coup National Alliance Applauds Patriotic Protesters Steadfastness Friday, Calls More Rallies
Demonstrations were launched in most governorates across Egypt Friday, despite the Sisi junta’s brutal repression, and despite severe intimidation by coup authorities to force Egyptians not to turn out for protests. The military junta threatened – and indeed carried out its threat – to deploy the army and police throughout Egypt. The coup regime used its media machine to intimidate Egyptians, spread despair in them, and destroy their morale.
However, masses turning out on this scale and with this diversity was the worst challenge for the coup regime, its security legions and media battalions. The protesters’ message was: we fear no-one but God; we will stand steadfast in the defense of the rights of Egypt and Egyptians.
Despite the heavy security deployment, the revolutionary scene Friday was impressive in marches in Giza, Alexandria, Sharqeya, Menoufia, Minya, Dakahlia, Kafr El-Sheikh, Qaliubiya, Beheira, Suez, Damietta, Beni Suef and Fayoum. And very soon, mass anti-coup protests will march in the heart of Cairo and in its public squares, which we challenge the junta to open to demonstrators.
The Alliance applauds the free patriotic Egyptian people who came out Friday, and urges others to steel their resolve and show their rejection of the corrupt coup regime. The Alliance calls on the masses of proud Egyptian people to continue their participation in our protest activities, which have been ongoing non-stop for three years now, to raise the demands of the poor and stop the oppression, as part of the “Rights of the Poor” week, under the slogan “Open Public Squares”.
Discontent is growing in many segments of Egyptian society. The goal for all citizens who seek freedom and a decent life is to put an end to the total failure, for which floundering Sisi and the junta bear full responsibility. Now, we need to build on and continue from Friday’s protests in a new phase, very soon, as one of the steps in popular escalation.
With all certainty, the future belongs to the popular will and the patriotic people who turned out
Friday, demanding dignity for the homeland, fighting for the rights of all citizens. Soon, vanity and tyranny will not benefit the traitorous Sisi regime. Then, the oppressors will be held to task. Then, Egypt will be great again, and its people will live a dignified life, with their rights and dignity safeguarded.
Victory for the Revolution
Anti-Coup Pro-Legitimacy National Alliance
Saturday, November 12,2016 13:58
Sumber BO - 12-11-2016
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Egypt Authorities Must End Politicization of Judiciary, Ensure Independence and Accountability
The report documents how the Public Prosecution in Egypt and judges in the criminal courts violate many basic safeguards for fair trial standards as guaranteed by the Egyptian Constitution and all international conventions ratified by Egypt.
The report is particularly important because it is issued by a specialized body composed of competent researchers and many judges from all parts of the globe, and systematically documents – perhaps for the first time – flaws and breaches very carefully instead of talking in the abstract about “the politicization of the judiciary” in a random manner.
For example, the report exposes how the judiciary is being controlled through the Supreme Judicial Council, which lacks independence. Another example is how to enhance the independence of the supreme courts – such as the Supreme Constitutional Court. The report also addresses the public prosecution in a special chapter, and details how it lost its independence and became a full subsidiary of the executive body.
The report will continue to be a reference for all researchers interested in this issue for years to come.
Download the report in Arabic or English:
https://www.facebook.com/elshehab4/posts/1785860261686894: 0
Sumber BO - 18-10-2016
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1879 Hukuman Gantung Sejak Tiga Tahun Lalu
Balai Cerap Arab untuk Kebebasan Media (AOFM) merayu kepada semua kerajaan di dunia dan organisasi antarabangsa yang berkenaan dengan hak asasi manusia dan perlindungan hak untuk hidup bagi memberi tekanan kepada rejim Mesir yang melaksanakan hukuman mati terhadap lawan politik.
Rejim al-Sisi telah menghukum secara berlebihan melalui proses mahkamah yang tidak mempunyai memenuhi keperluan minimum perbicaraan yang adil dan dalam lagsung ketiadaan jaminan undang-undang.
Perkara tersebut telah disepakati dan disahkan oleh kesemua pertubuhan hak asasi manusia
Pada sambutan ‘Hari Dunia Menentang Hukuman Mati’, AOFM mengesahkan bahawa lebih daripada 1879 hukuman mati dijatuhkan terhadap penentang rejim Mesir adalah bukti jelas kegagalan sistem keadilan dan sikap tunduk kepada kuasa eksekutif.
Hukuman mati tersebut yang telah dikeluarkan dalam masa tiga tahun di Mesir kebelakangan ini menyaksikan ju,mlah itu melebihi hukuman mati yang telah dijatuhkan sejak 100 tahun lalu, yang mana sejak abad lalu, keseluruhan sejumlah hanya 1470 hukuman mati dijatuhkan.
Dab dalam jumlah 100 tahun itu, sejarah Mesir menyaksikan hanya dua hukuman yang sebenarnya dilaksana.
AOFM mengutuk bertambahan berlebihan dan peningkatan hukuman mati yang dikeluarkan dan djatuhkan oleh badan kehakiman Mesir.
Mereka yang telah dijatuhkan hukuman itu adalah ramai terdiri daripada wartawan, dimana empat orang pemberita telah dihukum mati kerana dituduh daam kes yang di sebut sebagai “bekerjasama dengan negara Qatar”.
Antaranya kes keputusan hukuman mati terhadap wartawan Walid Shalabi, yang dituduh menggerakkan “Bilik Gerakan Rabaa”.
Isu ini memerlukan tindakan segera daripada semua badan bukan kerajaan, badan-badan dan institusi untuk menghentikan pelaksanaan hukuman mati dan menyelamatkan para wartawan dan semua mereka yang dijatuhkan hukuman zalim itu oleh badan kehakiman Mesir yang telah dipolitikkan.
AOFM mengesahkan perpaduan sepenuhnya dengan kempen “Hentikan Hukuman Mati Mesir” (إعدام وطن), yang telah dilancarkan semula untuk menghentikan pelaksanaan hukuman mati terhadap tahanan politik di Mesir.
Rayuan kepada semua badan bukan kerajaan tempatan dan antarabangsa juga untuk menyokong sepenuhnya kempen bagi mendesak junta tentera Mesir supaya menghormati hak untuk hidup sebagai hak-hak asasi manusia yang termaktub dalam perjanjian antarabangsa mengenai hak asasi manusia dan dalam semua perjanjian antarabangsa.
Sumber BO - 12-10-2016
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Muslim Brotherhood Marks October 6, 2013 Massacre Anniversary
On this day, in 2013, millions of Egyptians came out in all parts of Egypt protesting the earlier horrific massacres of innocent civilians in Rabaa Square, the Republican Guard Club, Nahda Square, Ramses – where the blood of Egyptian victims had not dried up yet.
Heavily-armed junta forces shocked everyone with a new massacre, in which they fired live ammunition, Grinov machine guns, and heavy tank guns, killing at least 51 people and wounding 268 others – unarmed civilians, Egyptians demanding their rights to freedom and democracy.
On that sad day, the heads of some of those martyrs were blown to pieces after getting shot at close range, in horrific scenes never witnessed before in Egypt’s long history.
Even today, the military junta in Egypt continues to commit such heinous crimes, killing innocent and patriotic Egyptians based only on their political orientation in cold-blood and with complete and total impunity, and without a word of condemnation from any rights organization or any other relevant body in the world.
We assure everyone, especially the proud and patriotic people of Egypt, that spilt innocent blood will not go in vain, that fair and prompt retribution is coming, and that we will persist in our Revolution until we uproot the gang of injustice, oppression and tyranny, and until the flags of freedom flutter in across Egypt.
That is our choice. That is our will as Egyptians. We believe God will not let us down.
Dr Talaat Fahmi
Muslim Brotherhood Media Spokesman
Thursday – October 6, 2016
Sumber BO - 7-10-2016
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